The COVID-19 pandemic, and more specifically the measures taken to restrict its spread, saw the emergence of various forms of contention. For social movement actors, it resulted in the need to find new ways to organise when physical proximity was prohibited or tightly policed (Kowalewski, 2021). As part of this mix, there was a significant upsurge in actors mobilising in opposition to the state and other institutions involved in the introduction of control measures (Kriesi & Oana, 2023). The claims presented by these groups drew on a range of conspiracy theories and beliefs, often supported by political actors as a way of generating support for their own ends (Imran & Javed, 2024). In this book, Donatella della Porta argues that these ‘regressive actors … aim at returning to a previous and less inclusive, or worse, state or way of behaving, which can also be defined as retrograde … or reactionary’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 9). Taking these actors as an object of study provides a valuable opportunity to consider how regressive ideas are able to capitalise on opportunities in similar ways to their more progressive counterparts while also identifying how they differ and their inherent weaknesses. Focusing on the case of Italy, della Porta provides a comprehensive timeline of the emergence of the movement (Chapter 2) before considering questions of organising (Chapter 3) and message framing (Chapter 4) and finishing with an examination of the longer-term implications (Chapter 5). As the first European state to see a large-scale outbreak of COVID-19, Italy was at the forefront in establishing control measures and facing a backlash, making it a valuable case to understand.
A central element in the book is the role of the emergency critical juncture, represented here by the COVID-19 pandemic and associated restrictions. The significance of such sudden breaks is captured in della Porta's argument that the ‘disruption caused to existing links and routines by emergency critical junctures triggers contentious politics, both progressive and regressive’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 9). The sense of uncertainty and discomfort can provide an opening for ‘the use of conspiracy theories by political entrepreneurs’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 14) to mobilise support in favour of their interests. Developing the characteristics of political entrepreneurs more could have clarified the ways in which they are able to capitalise on the opportunities presented. In the case of the pandemic, the emergency favoured regressive movements, as their willingness to oppose and challenge the restrictions provided a more readily identifiable mobilising opportunity (see Kriesi & Oana, 2023). The nature of such disruptions also necessarily shapes the forms of contention that emerge. Taking an overarching view of the cycle of contention that followed the introduction of restrictions in March 2020 (Chapter 2), della Porta identifies two distinct waves that characterise the relationship. Reflecting the disruptive effect of the juncture, the first wave was ‘more spontaneous … with a subsequent shift to mainly ideological opponents of vaccination during the second wave’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 45). Examining the unfolding nature of the movement over time presents an opportunity to reflect on the effects of emergencies and their aftermath in other settings, particularly the way spontaneous actions may stabilise and become routine. Understanding this pattern of response to emergency critical junctures may be of increased importance as the threats associated with issues such as the climate emergency become manifest.
The forms of organising (Chapter 3) and framing (Chapter 4) adopted by the actors involved in opposing COVID restrictions reflect the move from spontaneity while also capturing the inherent limitations of the underlying claims. Reacting to the disruption, movement actors drew on crowdsourced modes of organising in which ‘small nuclei of activists provided “mobilization toolkits” to a constituency that they engaged with primarily on the internet’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 72). Through a close reading of the materials produced by these groups, della Porta is able to give a sense of the way the arguments around the restrictions are constructed and justified. This is particularly valuable in considering the role of activist members of the health and legal professions, who sought to present a counter to the experts and institutions of the state. The diversity of the groups coalescing around the issue—far right, Catholics, new age, anti-gender, homeschoolers—meant that the nature of the goals beyond the immediate focus on rejecting vaccination and public health measures were confused and potentially conflicted. Actors were able to mobilise around the idea of resisting the ‘sanitary dictatorship’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 106), calling for a ‘return to freedom’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 116), and opposing the ‘global elite and their servants’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 126) but lacked the organisational coherence to present a vision of what would follow. Instead, those involved moved towards a position where they self-defined ‘as belonging to a persecuted and suffering group … [facing] extreme social stigmatization’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 125). The apparent isolation of these actors could have been developed a bit further by examining the level of support they had within wider Italian society and the particular forms of stigmatisation they faced.
To provide a contrast with the Italian case, della Porta examines the character of the movements that emerged following the introduction of restrictions in Germany and Greece over the same period (Chapters 2–4). This comparison adds depth by pointing to ways the involvement of established organisations can contribute to the consolidation (or otherwise) of regressive movements. In Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party was found to be important in ‘providing the anti-vax movement with organizational support and visibility’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 61), whereas in Greece, the absence of a far-right party meant that ‘the anti-vax milieu … developed around the Greek Orthodox Church’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 99), which softened its opposition to control measures over time. This leads to a situation where the two cases represent examples of high and low mobilization, with Italy sitting between them. The connections between actors and the spaces they operated in could perhaps have drawn on a framework such as Hutter's (2014) distinction between the protest and electoral arenas. The ability of the AfD to engage in the protest arena can be seen to have benefited its own standing, as well as that of the movement. This contrasts with the experience in Italy, where attempts by protest actors to move into the political arena failed, with the partial exception of those individuals who were already members of established political parties. Reading across the three cases, it would seem that the success and longevity of the movements were rooted in the availability of established allies able to aid the shift beyond a localised, crowdsourced model.
Having examined the emergence and form of regressive anti-vax movements, the focus in Chapter 5 turns to the wider implications. At the core of the movement observed, della Porta identifies an ‘emphasis on the self [combined] with conspiratorial visions’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 142). Viewed in this light, the anti-vax movement aligns very much with the contemporary ‘anti-statist, far right’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 158) stances embodied by parties such as the AfD and politicians such as Donald Trump. This raises a question about the extent to which the anti-vax movement was a product of its time, with the possibility that a less febrile and conspiratorial period may not have seen such an outbreak. As the effects of the pandemic fade, the future of the anti-vax movement is limited, but della Porta points to a legacy in the way the critical juncture it created has ‘consolidated an “unholy” alliance between the Far Right, ultraconservative religious fundamentalism, and a New Age milieu’ (della Porta, 2023, p. 172). This finding is certainly borne out by the cases covered in the book, with the caveat that the longevity of such connections is contingent on local conditions. Taking the idea of emergency critical junctures as catalysts for change, there are opportunities to consider how progressive movements are able to capitalise on the disruption that results. As della Porta (2014) has argued in previous work, dramatic, disruptive events have also been important in providing opportunities for the advancement of progressive ideals.
This book makes a valuable contribution to the study of the emergence of regressive movements. Close examination of the anti-vax movement in Italy demonstrates how the disruption and uncertainty associated with emergencies create opportunities for new actors to emerge. Della Porta makes a strong argument for the lasting effects of what is likely to ultimately be seen as an ephemeral movement. For this reason, the book will serve as a foundation on which future work on emergency critical junctures and their ability to engender lasting change can be built. It will be of interest to researchers and practitioners seeking to understand the potential effects of such disruptive events, as well as those considering the flourishing of regressive movements in the contemporary era.