ABSTRACT
This paper provides an overview of the main ongoing employment changes taking place in Portugal and particular emphasis is given to the information and communication technologies (ICT) sector. However, due to its heterogeneous composition, both intensive and low-knowledge services are addressed in this sector, ranging from ICT companies in general to call centres in particular. Starting with a brief revision of both optimistic and critical approaches to the new service-based economy, the paper seeks to contribute to this theoretical debate through the analysis of a very singular context, the Portuguese one, based on the results of a research project. The main argument points out that employment changes in the ICT sector are associated with labour segmentation and growing differences in work and employment conditions, including gender inequalities.
Introduction
Flexible forms of work and employment are particularly associated with the new service-based economy and are particularly used in the information and communication technologies (ICT) sector. Confronted with the currently popular discourse on the general practice of intelligent work in new organisational networks and multiple benefits and opportunities for all, this article seeks to highlight the heterogeneity and labour segmentation in the ICT sector in Portugal.
Starting with a brief revision of both optimistic and critical approaches to the contemporary changes in work and employment, this article also seeks to contribute to this theoretical debate through an analysis of the Portuguese context. This is based on the results of a research project studying flexible forms of work and employment.1 Building on our survey findings, it is possible to demonstrate that there are striking differences to be noted between workers in the ICT service sector regarding work and employment conditions, levels of satisfaction and career advancement prospects. Furthermore, gender segregation persists in the new service industries, thereby challenging the view that the new technologies have tended to do away with patriarchal structures.
2 Prospects regarding the transformation of employment and the information society
There is no consensus concerning the contemporary changes taking place in work and the employment relationship (Rubery and Grimshaw 2001). The optimistic neo-liberal perspective heralds the end of subordinated paid work and the emergence of a new entrepreneurial/business model, in which portfolio careers are the norm. As for the theories that have been developed on information/knowledge societies, these anticipate the general practice of intelligent work in organisational networks resulting from the use of information and communication technologies (Sahlman 1999). The economy of the information society is portrayed as the realm of immaterial production, of professionals with a high standard of training/qualification, of new flexible forms of work, organisation and employment. The new service-based economy involves a high value-added output, creates knowledge-intensive jobs requiring autonomy and versatility, allows for equal opportunities between men and women, provides more free time, and a better balance between work and other spheres of life (Castells 2000 [1996]).
On the other hand, when seen from a critical stance, recent employment changes are signs of both a labour-based and social polarisation, leading to the erosion of social rights and social cohesion in societies (Reich 1993; Castel 1995; Gorz 1997; Castillo 1998; Beck 2000; Sennett 2001 [1998]). From a techno-pessimistic standpoint, the new technologies enhance control over workers, generate deskilling, give rise to an intensification of work, lead to degradation of working conditions and displace human labour (Braverman 1977 [1974]). Furthermore, occupational changes entail an increasing polarisation between a highly paid influential elite (knowledge experts, the holders of relevant and specific skills) and the growing mass of just-in-time workers with insecure, poorly paid and low-end jobs. The digital divide also means a gender divide, with an increasing polarisation of working hours: the former group (mainly male) tends to work extended hours (overwork), while the latter group (largely female) is usually involved in part-time work and precarious forms of employment. In both cases, flexible patterns of working time are stressful, whether due to the compression and squeezing of other social times or the uncertainty regarding both jobs and income (Reich 1993; Castel 1995; Rifkin 1995; Gorz 1997; Hochschild 1997).2
As regards this debate, we support a non-deterministic perspective that allows for the co-existence of different tendencies in employment and work organisation. Recent developments are not manifestations of a unique trend, as announced by the abovementioned approaches. In our view, there is a trend towards an increasing labour segmentation and heterogeneity of working conditions and employment relationships; this is also the case in the ICT sector, contrary to optimistic prophecies about the homogeneous trend towards intelligent work.
3 Employment features and the ICT sector in Portugal: A brief characterisation
The intensive participation of women in the labour market, the diffusion of flexible forms of employment, the spread of the tertiary industry and the increasing relevance of the ICT sector are notable trends in the recent evolution of employment in Portugal (Casaca 2005). The female employment rate is relatively high in Portugal (61.7 percent in 2005), above the European Union average (56.3 percent for the EU25) (Eurostat 2006). Furthermore, in Portugal, most women work on a full-time basis (83.8 percent in 2005) and under an intensive working time regime (INE 2006). Part-time work is not a widespread form of employment in Portugal; however, self-employment and temporary employment are far more common than in most European Union countries. Approximately 15.6 percent of the workforce in the EU25 was self-employed in 2005, which contrasts with over one-fifth of the workforce in Portugal (25.4 percent of men and 22.6 percent of women, in 2005) (E.C. 2006).3 As far as temporary contracts are concerned, the figures in Portugal are exceptionally high within the European Union as they involve 18.7 percent of male and 20.4 percent of female workers, whereas in the EU25 the average is 14 and 15 percent, respectively (Eurostat 2006, data: 2005).
The tertiary sector, though developing at a belated and slower pace than the most advanced European economies, has been absorbing an increasing number of employees. About 58 percent of the total workforce was employed in the tertiary sector in Portugal in 2005, a result that is much lower than the average figures in the EU25 (72 percent) (INE 2006). However, the share of the agricultural sector is still high (12 percent of the total workforce), as is that of the secondary sector (30.6 percent).4
The ICT sector has been expanding in Portugal since the 1990s, although at a slower pace compared to other OECD countries, such as Finland, Sweden, Norway, The Netherlands and the United Kingdom (OECD 2002). Taking the sector as a whole, the telecommunications segment has recorded the highest growth over the last decade, mainly due to the privatisation of PT (Portuguese Telecom), the end of its monopoly situation and the liberalisation of the sector (firstly, with the opening up to free competition among the mobile service operators; afterwards, with the extension of liberalisation to the fixed-line telephone operators and also with the spread of internet services). ICT companies account for 1.7 percent of all companies operating in Portugal (OSIC 2004).
By the end of the 1990s, Portugal was witnessing a boom in ICT economic activities and in employment, whose first signs of contraction started in 2001 (Mata 2002). According to recent official statistics, 94,421 individuals were working in the ICT sector in 2000, which accounts for 1.9 percent of the total number of employees in Portugal, far below the figures recorded by Sweden (6.4 percent) or Finland (5.5 percent), for instance (Eurostat 2003: 13). Youth is a prominent feature, mainly in the ICT service segment; indeed, a previous study based on official statistical data shows that, in 2000, about 55 percent of workers were under 29 years old (Nunes 2004) and 51 percent had a tertiary degree, thereby contrasting with the overall picture in Portugal: nearly 10 percent of the population over 15 years old have achieved such a level of education (8 percent of men and 11 percent of women) (INE 2006). Furthermore, taking the ICT as a whole, another particularity should be noted: the average earnings level is well above the national standard: 1813.48 vs. 663 Euros (OSIC 2004). This therefore provides us with a first glimpse of the deep asymmetries in the Portuguese labour market.
As far as social inequalities are concerned, gender differences are also remarkable: men account for about two-thirds of the total workforce in the ICT sector and about 69 percent in the ICT service segment (Nunes 2004).5 Official data show that, in 2001, women accounted for 38 percent of the total workforce in the telecommunications segment, 24 percent in ‘consultant services in computing/hardware’, 27 percent in ‘consultant services in programming’ and 44 percent at call centres (INE 2003).
Regarding call centres, Portugal is the country with the fifth highest growth rate amongst the countries of Europe, the Middle East and Asia. The segment employs between 0.4 and 1 percent of the Portuguese active population (the European average is 0.8 percent).6 Nowadays, most banks, telecommunications and insurance companies have call centres or contact centres.7 These use various flexible forms of employment (e.g., part-time, fixed-term contract and agency work) with a view to reducing costs through quantitative (numerical) flexibility. The spread of call centres has become very significant in Portugal, where many jobs are being created (it is estimated that 60,000 jobs will be created by 2010).8
4 Research findings: work and employment flexibility in ICT service sectors
4.1 Methodological note
Even though the numerical weight of the ICT sector in the employment structure is not significantly high (as is the case in other European countries), the study of this sector in Portugal is very relevant from a sociological point of view. Firstly, the optimistic ideologists, as well as European and Portuguese policy-makers, have largely considered the ICT sector as the motor of the new economy, increasing the spread of intelligent work and acting as a passport to a higher level of competitiveness. Secondly, many proposals for economic development have relied on the belief that Portugal could benefit from a qualitative change, in moving from a traditional economy towards a new one. Thirdly, this new sector, mainly the ICT service sector, is particularly relevant for the study of the new trends in work and employment.
The main purpose of our research project was to understand the conditions and prospects of those who work in the ICT sector in Portugal: either those who benefit from job security, those who have a short-term contract or those who are agency workers (working for a TWA – a temporary work agency). A further objective was to apprehend the workers’ own perception of their working conditions and employment situations.
The empirical research took place between the years 2000 and 2004 and covered, above all, some urban districts of the Metropolitan Areas of Lisbon, Oporto and Aveiro. These are the geographical areas in Portugal with the highest concentration of companies operating in the ICT service sectors, which make intensive use of flexible forms of employment (e.g., short-term contracts, outsourcing and subcontracting to temporary work agencies, and freelance work) and flexible time arrangements (e.g., part-time work, shift work, including night shifts, and variable working hours on a daily, weekly, monthly and/or annual basis). All together, eight companies were selected with the aim of covering both low and intensive knowledge services within the ICT sector: four call centres, including both telephone (2) and computer/internet/data services (2); and four companies operating in the fields of telecommunications (1), computer technology and software (1), audiovisual (1) and multimedia (1). Working with a purposive sample, the selection of sub-sectors, companies and individuals was based on the relevance of their characteristics to the intended research (typical cases which, due to their characteristics, were particularly relevant to the study). Therefore, according to this research option, the main aim was to ensure a representative coverage of the theoretical issues rather than a statistically representative coverage (Marconi and Lakatos 1999; Kemper et al., 2003).
The study combined both qualitative and quantitative methods. In an exploratory phase, about 30 in-depth interviews were recorded: some with trade union representatives (four interviews), others with managers and human resource managers (4), while the remainder took place with workers. Whenever possible, this was combined with the consultation of official internal documents. The purpose was to collect information regarding companies’ service activities, recruitment criteria, training contents, collective bargaining agreements, organisational structure, size and occupational groups (data broken down by educational level, sex and age), the number of employees involved in outsourcing (e.g., agency workers, self-employed), short-term or permanent contracts, as well as information concerning working time schedules, remuneration and promotion mechanisms.
After this exploratory stage, and based on the information gathered, a questionnaire-based survey was administered to an overall sample of 100 respondents selected in order to cover the various strata of occupational groups, employment contracts, sex and age groups within the companies selected. As far as occupational groups were concerned, the respondents covered such categories as managerial staff, specialists in intellectual and scientific occupations, intermediate-level technicians and call centre agents (working in call centres providing services for the telecommunications industries).9 The other characteristics of the questionnaire sample are summarised in Table 1.
Occupational groups . | Men . | Women . | Men . | Women . |
---|---|---|---|---|
. | N . | % . | ||
Managers | 11 | 8 | 20.0 | 17.8 |
Professionals | 4 | 8 | 7.3 | 17.8 |
Intermediate technicians | 9 | 6 | 16.4 | 13.3 |
Call centre supervisors (technical support: internet/software) | 1 | 0 | 1.8 | 0.0 |
Call centre supervisors (telecommunication: telephone services, fixed and mobile) | 0 | 3 | 0 | 6.7 |
Call centre agents: help desks (technical support: internet, software) | 20 | 3 | 36.4 | 6.7 |
Call centre agents: front-office support (telecommunication: telephone services, fixed/mobile) | 10 | 17 | 18.2 | 37.8 |
Total | 55 | 45 | 100.0 | 100.0 |
Educational achievement | ||||
Basic secondary school (9 years) | 2 | 0 | 3.6 | 0.0 |
Secondary school (12 years) | 13 | 4 | 23.6 | 8.9 |
Tertiary degree (3 years) | 9 | 1 | 16.4 | 2.2 |
Tertiary degree (4/5 years) | 27 | 34 | 49.1 | 75.6 |
Master's degree | 4 | 6 | 7.3 | 13.3 |
Total | 55 | 45 | 100.0 | 100.0 |
Age groups | ||||
<25 | 32 | 23 | 58.2 | 51.1 |
26–30 | 17 | 9 | 30.9 | 20.0 |
31–35 | 2 | 7 | 3.6 | 15.6 |
36–40 | 2 | 3 | 3.6 | 6.7 |
41–45 | 2 | 3 | 3.6 | 6.7 |
Total | 55 | 45 | 100.0 | 100.0 |
Sex | 55 | 45 | 55.0 | 45.0 |
Occupational groups . | Men . | Women . | Men . | Women . |
---|---|---|---|---|
. | N . | % . | ||
Managers | 11 | 8 | 20.0 | 17.8 |
Professionals | 4 | 8 | 7.3 | 17.8 |
Intermediate technicians | 9 | 6 | 16.4 | 13.3 |
Call centre supervisors (technical support: internet/software) | 1 | 0 | 1.8 | 0.0 |
Call centre supervisors (telecommunication: telephone services, fixed and mobile) | 0 | 3 | 0 | 6.7 |
Call centre agents: help desks (technical support: internet, software) | 20 | 3 | 36.4 | 6.7 |
Call centre agents: front-office support (telecommunication: telephone services, fixed/mobile) | 10 | 17 | 18.2 | 37.8 |
Total | 55 | 45 | 100.0 | 100.0 |
Educational achievement | ||||
Basic secondary school (9 years) | 2 | 0 | 3.6 | 0.0 |
Secondary school (12 years) | 13 | 4 | 23.6 | 8.9 |
Tertiary degree (3 years) | 9 | 1 | 16.4 | 2.2 |
Tertiary degree (4/5 years) | 27 | 34 | 49.1 | 75.6 |
Master's degree | 4 | 6 | 7.3 | 13.3 |
Total | 55 | 45 | 100.0 | 100.0 |
Age groups | ||||
<25 | 32 | 23 | 58.2 | 51.1 |
26–30 | 17 | 9 | 30.9 | 20.0 |
31–35 | 2 | 7 | 3.6 | 15.6 |
36–40 | 2 | 3 | 3.6 | 6.7 |
41–45 | 2 | 3 | 3.6 | 6.7 |
Total | 55 | 45 | 100.0 | 100.0 |
Sex | 55 | 45 | 55.0 | 45.0 |
Source: Project Flexible Forms of Work and Employment in Portugal: Risks and Opportunities (2000–2004).
4.2 Inequality in work and employment conditions in the ICT service sector – evidence from the case studies
Companies operating in the ICT service sector are actively promoting flexible forms of work and employment in order to achieve greater flexibility and enhance their competitiveness. Taking the sector as a whole, our research highlights occupational and gender-based inequalities. Other variables, such as age and educational level are quite homogeneous: as previously mentioned, the employees working in the ICT sector are relatively young and have relatively high levels of education.
4.2.1 Occupational based-segmentation
From our survey, it is possible to identity a clear divide between the high and middle occupational groups (managerial staff, professionals and intermediate-level technicians) and the call centre agents. The first group (the core workers within the ICT service sector) benefits from high-paid jobs and employment security, strengthened by continuous vocational training, promotion and career development opportunities, hence reinforcing their socioeconomic status and upward mobility. The situation of the second group (the peripheral workers) tends, however, to be precarious and they may face the risk of becoming trapped in low-end jobs, given that opportunities for enhancing skills are not being provided and high-end jobs are scarce and only available for a minority of workers. Table 2 displays the main differences between the two groups.
Work and employment dimensions . | Occupational groups . | ||
---|---|---|---|
. | Managerial and professionals . | Intermediate-level technicians . | Call centre agents . |
Seniority (length of service in present job/average no. of years) | 6 years | 5 years | 1 year |
Contractual situation | Permanent contract (100%). | Permanent contract (100%) | Temporary contract (94%) |
Working time | Full-time (100%) | Full-time (87%) | Part-time (63%) |
Unemployment in last 5 years | 6% | 20% | 22% |
Job contents | Highly complex tasks | Complex tasks | Mainly routine tasks |
Already promoted (present job) | 71% | 20% | 9% |
Future promotion prospects (expectations) | Fairly or highly likely (39%) | Fairly or highly likely (13%) | Unlikely or fairly unlikely (67%) |
Training | Company supported course attendance (90%) | Company supported course attendance (33%) | Company supported course attendance (35%) |
Earnings | High (€1600–€2000 and €2000+ per month, net) | Medium (€1000–1600 per month net) | Low (€320–€648 per month, net) |
Fear of losing present job | 23% | 20% | 46% |
Willingness to change job | 19% | 53% | 56% |
Willingness to change occupation | 16% | 13% | 59% |
Work and employment dimensions . | Occupational groups . | ||
---|---|---|---|
. | Managerial and professionals . | Intermediate-level technicians . | Call centre agents . |
Seniority (length of service in present job/average no. of years) | 6 years | 5 years | 1 year |
Contractual situation | Permanent contract (100%). | Permanent contract (100%) | Temporary contract (94%) |
Working time | Full-time (100%) | Full-time (87%) | Part-time (63%) |
Unemployment in last 5 years | 6% | 20% | 22% |
Job contents | Highly complex tasks | Complex tasks | Mainly routine tasks |
Already promoted (present job) | 71% | 20% | 9% |
Future promotion prospects (expectations) | Fairly or highly likely (39%) | Fairly or highly likely (13%) | Unlikely or fairly unlikely (67%) |
Training | Company supported course attendance (90%) | Company supported course attendance (33%) | Company supported course attendance (35%) |
Earnings | High (€1600–€2000 and €2000+ per month, net) | Medium (€1000–1600 per month net) | Low (€320–€648 per month, net) |
Fear of losing present job | 23% | 20% | 46% |
Willingness to change job | 19% | 53% | 56% |
Willingness to change occupation | 16% | 13% | 59% |
Source: Project – Flexible Forms of Work and Employment in Portugal: Risks and Opportunities (2000–2004).
Note: The conflation of managers and professionals results from a previous analysis where strong similarities were found between these two groups in work and employment conditions (Kovács 2005).
There are also substantial differences regarding the level of satisfaction related to the different dimensions of work and employment, as illustrated in Table 3.
Work and employment dimensions . | Occupational groups . | ||
---|---|---|---|
. | Management and professionals . | Intermediate-level technicians . | Call centre agents . |
Co-worker relations | 4.2 | 4.3 | 3.8 |
Earnings level | 3.6 | 3.0 | 2.7 |
Physical working conditions | 3.9 | 3.5 | 3.4 |
Employment contract | 4.3 | 4.5 | 2.5 |
Future job security | 4.1 | 4.0 | 2.1 |
Autonomy | 3.9 | 3.8 | 2.4 |
Involvement in decision-making | 3.7 | 3.7 | 2.2 |
Job content | 3.7 | 4.1 | 2.8 |
Performance recognition | 3.6 | 3,2 | 2.6 |
Promotion opportunities | 3.6 | 2.3 | 2.2 |
Learning opportunities | 3.7 | 3.0 | 3.0 |
Working time schedules | 2.9 | 3.7 | 3.7 |
Work and employment dimensions . | Occupational groups . | ||
---|---|---|---|
. | Management and professionals . | Intermediate-level technicians . | Call centre agents . |
Co-worker relations | 4.2 | 4.3 | 3.8 |
Earnings level | 3.6 | 3.0 | 2.7 |
Physical working conditions | 3.9 | 3.5 | 3.4 |
Employment contract | 4.3 | 4.5 | 2.5 |
Future job security | 4.1 | 4.0 | 2.1 |
Autonomy | 3.9 | 3.8 | 2.4 |
Involvement in decision-making | 3.7 | 3.7 | 2.2 |
Job content | 3.7 | 4.1 | 2.8 |
Performance recognition | 3.6 | 3,2 | 2.6 |
Promotion opportunities | 3.6 | 2.3 | 2.2 |
Learning opportunities | 3.7 | 3.0 | 3.0 |
Working time schedules | 2.9 | 3.7 | 3.7 |
Source: Project – Flexible Forms of Work and Employment in Portugal: Risks and Opportunities (2000–2004).
Note: All means in the table are based on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (not satisfied at all) to 5 (completely satisfied). Question formulated: To what extent are you satisfied with the following dimensions of your current job?
As we can see, in the case of call centre agents, there is no dimension that has a high level of satisfaction. The greatest satisfaction exists in relation to co-workers and working time schedules (average/good level) and physical working conditions (average level). What is clearly obvious is the low degree of satisfaction concerning future job security, involvement in decision-making, opportunities for promotion, level of autonomy and employment contract. The managerial staff, professionals and intermediate-level technicians are more satisfied with aspects relating to the employment contract, co-worker relations and future job security. The managerial staff and professionals work intensively, often as much as 50–60 hours per week, which might explain their greater degree of dissatisfaction with their working time schedule.
The survey results also demonstrate that employment flexibility and job mobility are not a general pattern in the ICT service sectors, as originally announced by their ideologists. In most cases, those two factors tend instead to affect the peripheral workforce. Indeed, besides the fact that 94 percent of call centre agents have temporary contracts (see Table 2 above), their average tenure in the current job is 1.1 years, which contrasts with the averages of the managerial staff (5.7 years) and intermediate-level technicians (4.5 years).
Indeed, according to the call centre managers interviewed, a worker usually remains less than two years as an operator and turnover is extremely high (between January and September of 2002, it reached 33 percent in one of the cases studied).
We subcontract the workforce to a Temporary Work Agency, with which the workers usually have a short-term contract of 6 months, renewable for equal periods, or one year, until they quit the job. No stable bond is established … Frankly, I cannot say that there are opportunities for them here. Their average ‘life’ is about two years, after that, they leave of their own accord or, as their productivity and performance decline sharply, we prefer to rely on new agents … (A call centre manager)
On the contrary, in view of the considerable investment made by firms in training managerial staff and professionals – as in the case of sectors such as information systems, telecommunications, software, multimedia and advertising – their employment ties tend to be more secure. In such cases, inter-job mobility often occurs against the wishes of the employer concerned, and such professionals are often ‘hunted’ by other firms interested in their know-how. This mobility results in higher earnings, given their favourable bargaining position to obtain better conditions.
Furthermore, it should be noted that there is a trend towards a reproduction of employment status: workers previously subject to a permanent contract tend to have been in a similar situation in their previous posts and those workers who work through a Temporary Work Agency (TWA) tend to have been agency workers or had a short-term contract in their previous jobs. The results of a study about temporary employment in Germany and the UK are very similar, showing that temporary workers are at increased risk of being temporarily employed again or becoming unemployed (Giesecke and Groß 2004).
4.2.2 Gender-based segmentation
As previously reported, men largely outnumber women in the ICT service sector in Portugal and to a lesser extent in the call centre segment. Looking at our survey in particular, a gender analysis leads us to recognise that whilst the telecommunications sector is seen to be more open to the recruitment of female workers (22 percent of male and 31 percent of female respondents), as are also the audiovisual, communication and multimedia sectors (7 and 9 percent, respectively), the computer and software segments (16 vs. 9 percent) prove to be male strongholds.
As for the overall occupational categories in the ICT sector, one finds similar proportions of men and women among the managerial staff, more women in the intellectual and scientific professions (professionals)10 and more intermediate-level technical and professional men (see Table 1). As regards the similar distribution between men and women in the managerial staff category and the higher percentage of female groups in the second occupational group, it is, however, worth noting that women are overrepresented in departments such as human resource management, marketing, communication and public relations, while most men are to be found running and working in the financial department, as well as in other areas considered to be strategic: product development, business and project management. Again, it is possible to argue that widespread gender assumptions and rationalisation criteria account for such horizontal segregation. Women tend to head those areas of activity where social skills are far more relevant than strategic competences and technical expertise (Casaca 2006).
There is a notable difference in the other occupational groups included in our survey: 69 percent of women and 87 percent of men in higher-status, skilled occupations devote more than 41 hours per week to their jobs, with 15 percent of these same male respondents working more than 56 hours (the maximum number of hours worked usually reaches 70 or 80 per week in the ICT sector), mainly for those involved in managerial and higher-status professions (ANETIE 2003). Besides the aspects commonly mentioned in regard to the long working hours in these sectors, in particular the fact that they are concerned with extremely dynamic market niches and unpredictable demands, this situation also reflects the trend towards a widespread culture of long working hours, as a demonstration of the workers’ loyalty, involvement and commitment to their professional activity and their company's goals. However, this feature represents an evident source of gender segregation: due to general assumptions concerning men's and women's roles, women tend to distance themselves from the sectors or areas of activity where the organisation of working time is ruled by such a culture of ‘total availability’. This also takes place in a context where, despite some progress in gender relations, women are still expected to take on the majority of domestic and caring responsibilities, and where the public provision of childcare is rather weak. Furthermore, gender stereotypes tend to hinder employers/managers from recruiting women for the most strategic and demanding occupations, ones that are highly paid and confer a higher status.
If, at first sight, the stereotypes underlying female social skills seem to be particularly valued in the new service industries, the truth is that, in practice, this value produces little effect. Skills and competences are not gender neutral, i.e., they are not independent of the gendered assumptions to be found in a specific society and historical time (Cockburn and Ormrod 1993; Webster 1996; Jenson 1998). Therefore, the fact that they are socially associated with the natural attributes of women prevents them from being monetarily and organisationally rewarded. In our survey, only around one-third of female managers earn over €2001 (net), which contrasts with three-quarters of male managers benefiting from a similar level of income. In fact, women earn less than men in all occupational categories included in our survey, even though in no other occupational category than the managerial one is the earnings gap between men and women so striking. In other words, it is above all among the occupational categories that have been afforded a higher status in the new service sectors that wage discrimination to the detriment of women is most visible, notwithstanding their higher levels of qualification, coupled with the fact that they are approximately the same age as the men (which is also consistent with national data; cf. Chagas Lopes 2000). Not only are the basic earnings lower, but also fringe benefits are far less generous for those managerial occupations mainly filled by women. Therefore, despite the dimension of newness that is commonly attributed to the ICT sector, in particular by those sharing the optimistic perspective, the fact remains that patterns of gender segregation still persist in these economic activities
4.3 Work organisation and the employment relationship at call centres
Considering both the techno-optimistic and techno-pessimistic accounts alluded to earlier, there is no consensus with regard to work organisation and the employment relationship in the call centre industry. On the one hand, the positive accounts lay emphasis on the new opportunities for job creation and on the trend towards knowledge-intensive work organisation, in line with the image of semi-professional, empowered, enriched workers, working in post-Taylorist organisations and providing customised and quality services (Frenkel et al. 1998). On the other hand, the pessimistic account presents an image of workers performing low-skilled, routine and programmed tasks, technologically monitored in real time, doing intensive work under a ‘big brother’, in a neo-Taylorist environment and fully ‘entrapped by the “electronic panopticon”’11 (Fernie and Metcalf 1998).
In our survey, most respondents were mainly involved in inbound activities, i.e., receiving telephone calls, consulting and processing information on desk-top computers. In the case of internet/data services in particular, there is also an outbound component, through which agents advertise new products or services to the customers. Focusing on customer-orientation service quality, call centres tend to mix together information and communication technologies (ICT) and organisational rationalisation strategies through the external allocation of work, outsourcing, a high level of standardisation in processes, working procedures and the division of labour.12 As we have pointed out, a subcontracting chain is often set up: a company from one particular sector seeking to provide a customer support service subcontracts a call centre for this activity, which then subcontracts a temporary work agency and the latter, in turn, provides the workforce. Furthermore, internal procedures are strongly standardised and routinised. Several call centres operate 15–24 hours a day, 7 days a week, 365 days a year, making use of working time arrangements such as part-time work and shift work, including weekends and night shifts.
4.3.1 Computer Taylorism or intelligent work?
Different studies undertaken portray the type of work and working conditions in the call centres as peculiar to the Taylorist form of work organisation or as a new model of exploitation (computer Taylorism) now applied to the new service sectors (e.g., Bain and Taylor 2000; Buscatto 2002; Stanworth 2000; Bono 2005). The information we have gathered confirms that computer Taylorism is prevalent in the call centres studied. Of particular relevance is the separation between conception and control functions performed by a small number of technicians and the routine tasks carried out individually by the agents. Other features also deserve to be brought into the debate.
Emphasis is placed on quantitative goals, productivity and efficiency (the highest number of phone calls attended per minute), as well as on direct and highly computerised control. As stated in the interviews, the supervisors themselves often listen to randomly selected recordings of phone calls exchanged between the agent and the customer. As for the high level of surveillance, the following statement is enlightening:
(…) Our coordinator, if he doesn't have the chance to hear it straight away, records the conversation and afterwards proceeds to assess the call. If he does have the chance to do so, that is, to listen to it live, then he'll be on the other side listening, and getting on with his assessment (…) these assessments can lead to a person being fired. This has already happened with some colleagues of mine who didn't meet these requirements. (A call centre agent)
Each worker belongs to a small team and the supervisor assesses both individual and group performances. Indeed, for that purpose, call contents are closely monitored for both the level of accuracy and the quality of the information provided, as well as the friendliness and congeniality shown in handling customers’ queries. In terms of quantity, the focus is laid on the time and duration of calls. Generally, team meetings are held on a bi-monthly basis with the specific aim of identifying the main weak and strong behaviours, as well as the low and high performers within the team. With that intention, the previously tape-recorded calls are collectively listened to, examined and discussed. According to Frenkel et al. (1998), the workers’ general perception is that the management style tends to be supportive rather than exploitative. From our findings, we would infer a slightly different conclusion, namely that these two management characteristics are not mutually exclusive. This means that individual and team assessment may provide a sense of support and enable individuals to improve their performance; this does not, however, exclude their acknowledgement that they are being totally pressurised and controlled to follow a set of strict requirements, within a strict time frame and a strict code of behaviour; therefore, any deviation or failure may result in cutting down the team's bonus or may even lead to individual job loss and unemployment.
In this respect, we should also stress the high intensity of work at call centres. In fact, despite the five hours’ daily work, 93 percent of respondents state that the pace of work is highly intense and 82 percent say that they get home from work feeling ‘really tired’. As we have seen (Table 3), there is a considerably low level of satisfaction among call centre agents. In-depth interviews clearly show how disappointed they are with the huge disparity between their educational level and the narrow range of tasks they are called on to perform. In fact, 65 percent of call centre agents have completed a 5-year tertiary degree (5 years) and 33 percent have completed 12 years of schooling. This evidence suggests that, for many highly educated young people, opportunities in the ICT sectors are mainly available in lower-knowledge working environments, where routine tasks are performed, with no autonomy and no involvement in decision-making.
However, union membership is low among respondents (3.7 percent) and only a similarly small proportion of workers (5.6 percent) would like to become members of a trade union in the near future. This low commitment towards union organisation and membership might be explained by some general patterns related to the dynamics of industrial relations in Portugal, such as the decline in union membership and the difficulties in organising young and precarious workers, the precarious employment relationship involving call centre agents in particular, and the high labour turnover, coupled with the fact that most agents are either recent graduates or are completing their university degrees and some still have expectations of improving their employment conditions and of enjoying upward occupational mobility. Although the aim of this study was not to examine whether call centre agents are pursuing individual and collective practices of resistance, the truth is that both the high labour turnover and the low levels of satisfaction are clear signs of the overall subjective perception of precarious forms of work and employment.
Fundamentally, the subcontracting relationship with the call-centre's customer company strictly depends on the prices charged, within an increasingly competitive market, besides a number of factors – as illustrated by the following extract from an interview with a manager. In our view, part of the Tayloristic orientation of work organisation is founded on this relationship.
[The call-centre] has its management team and what it has to do is to meet the criteria. It is paid for the service rendered, the number of calls attended. And it may be penalised for not fulfilling the criteria that the contracting company demands (dealing with clients in less than ten seconds, handling the number of calls per day expected by the head or contracting company, or failing to meet the required quality). So, besides the normal pay figure there is also a bonus or a penalty. Obviously this requires that we either work properly or else the business ceases to be profitable for us. (A call centre manager)
4.3.2 A gender-based work organisation at call centres
A gender perspective was taken into account in previous studies and debates on call centres (e.g., Webster 1996; Belt et al. 2000; Stanworth 2000). In this study, an attempt is made to demonstrate that the work organisation at call centres is strongly influenced by traditional gender patterns. There are slight differences between the proportion of female (51 percent) and male (56 percent) respondents working in call centres, despite the noticeable segregation by area of activity (while 87 percent of female agents and 32 percent of male agents work in call centres providing services in the telecommunications/telephone sector, the reverse situation is found in the case of the software, data and internet segments: i.e., 68 percent of male agents and 13 percent of female agents).13
Accordingly, in line with the findings of Belt et al. (2002), our study indicates that there are significant gender differences in regard to certain tasks and areas within the call centre segment, as men outnumber women in activities involving technical support, dealing with more complex customers’ queries and putting into practice both technical skills and problem-solving competences (software assistance activities and internet/data services), whereas women are more highly represented in those activities requiring emotional, relational and personal skills and competences.
This gender difference can be found between the call centre agents. The first front-line group is mainly composed of women who receive calls from customers and sort them according to their inherent degree of complexity; in this case, if customers′ queries are simple and scripted, they are immediately handled. On the other hand, if queries are complex and fall outside the script, they are transferred to a second front-line group, frequently composed of men, who are supposed to have specific problem-solving competences.
According to the managers interviewed, social skills are generally far more important than technical skills as the services provided are, above all, interactive-based (e.g., telecommunications/telephone sector), the emphasis being laid on individual qualities, such as having a keen ability to communicate, having the ability to adapt and relate to others (conversational techniques and techniques of self-control in the course of stressful conversations), being patient and empathic, working well under physical and psychological pressure, having the ability to handle routine tasks and being organised and responsible, having a sense of self-discipline (similar findings are displayed, for example, by Frenkel et al. 1998; Bain and Taylor 2000; Belt et al. 2002; Callaghan and Thompson 2002). These skills are still socially regarded as female attributes, thereby explaining the mass recruitment of women for interactive occupations, in which they are expected to perform emotional labour over the phone (cf. Belt et al., 2002: 27).
5 Conclusion
The results obtained from the survey and the interviews counter the techno-optimistic thesis regarding the diffusion of intelligent work, the increase in opportunities for all and the improvement of employability provided by information and communication technologies. The employment situations in these new service sectors do not converge in a homogenising march towards intelligent work and greater opportunities for all. On the contrary, the employment situations tend to be unequal, implying not only significantly different levels of satisfaction, but also very different opportunities for developing qualifications, acquiring new skills and, therefore, improving employability.
Two contrasting groups are identified in the ICT sector: the core group, who benefits from highly paid jobs, employment security, opportunities for continuous training, promotion and career progress, and the group of peripheral workers, who tends to occupy precarious and insecure jobs. Besides this objective difference between the two, subjective perceptions about working and employment conditions also vary greatly. Indeed, among the call centre agents (who are by far the most vulnerable occupational group), the overall levels of satisfaction are rather low. Even though employment flexibility is real for both groups, it occurs in strikingly different ways: whereas the former change from job to job, normally along a line of upward mobility, the latter tend to move laterally, i.e., from one low-end job to another.
This condition mainly affects highly educated young people in Portugal, which may suggest that few opportunities exist for joining the privileged group of core workers; as regards the ICT service sector, job opportunities have mainly been appearing in lower-knowledge working environments, where routine tasks are performed and uncertainty concerning the future is the norm.
Generally speaking, the call centres studied display a strong Tayloristic orientation of work organisation; in addition to low wages, poor working conditions are common, even though there is a strong focus on the quality of service and increasing attention is being given to customised services. From the employees’ point of view, co-worker relations and sociability represent the most fulfilling dimensions at work, despite the particularly weak collective organisation and commitment towards trade union organisation. Nonetheless, despite this wide-ranging work organisation in call centres, we argue that some diversity can be found, which is related to both the sort of services provided to customers and the inherent degree of complexity.
According to both nationwide statistics and our own survey, men far outnumber women in the ICT service sector in Portugal and, albeit to a lesser extent, in the call centre segment. Our research results also counter the thesis that suggests inequalities between men and women are tending to disappear in the new service sectors. Gendered assumptions, and the asymmetry underlying them, continue to account for profound inequalities: male jobs are more valued, rewarded and offer more employment opportunities than female ones. This is valid for both the call centres in particular and the ICT service sector as a whole, and it demonstrates how ambivalent and contradictory are the effects brought about by contemporary changes: traditional frameworks are deeply embedded in the new service sectors.
Footnotes
This is the project known as Flexible forms of employment: risks and opportunities, financially funded by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (Project 33042/99), developed by researchers from SOCIUS (Research Centre in Economic Sociology and the Sociology of Organisations), School of Management and Economics (ISEG), Lisbon.
The high proportion of self-employed individuals (isolated, without employees) suggests a high incidence of precarious employment relations in Portugal (indeed, this situation frequently masks a subordinate employment relationship), rather than a particular and strong orientation of Portuguese workers towards entrepreneurship.
The share of the total workforce in agriculture is much lower in the EU25 (5 percent). In the secondary sector, the average is 41 percent for the EU25 (E.C. 2006).
The inclusion of the call centre services in our survey might explain the higher percentages of women in our survey (45 percent of total respondents – Table 1).
According to Diário Económico, Special Issue of 26 March 2003.
In fact, many call centres today are much more than mere inbound centres; besides the telephone and the simple computer with its basic computer devices, sophisticated information and communication technologies are also to be found (ACD, Automated Call Distribution System) and, frequently, the contact with the customers is established by the agents.
According to ICEP, the national body for the promotion of foreign investment in Portugal (Ministry of Economy), Diário Económico, Special Issue of 26 March 2003.
The occupations covered by the survey were as follows: call centre agent, telecommunications engineer, operations director, project manager, electronics engineer, technology consultant, computer technician, computer systems engineer, investment consultant, communications consultant, graphic designer, database developer, programmer and marketing management auditor.
When the official statistical data are analysed, women also outnumber men in intellectual and scientific occupations. This fact stems, above all, from some of the country's historical and social singularities: the widespread access to higher education in the 1960s and the mobilisation of males, around that time, for the colonial war. In this way, women came to occupy the functions and professions (Amâncio and Ávila 1995; Perista and Silva 2004). The strong presence of women in these fields should also be considered in the light of Portugal's peripheral status, with its low level of R&D and its traditional methods for the organisation of work and production. On the other hand, in countries that are technologically and scientifically more highly developed, social performances and stereotypes account for the fact that men, above all, are concentrated in the higher-status and better-paid occupations (e.g., Ferreira 1993).
This expression is quoted from the article by Peter Bain and Phil Taylor (2000). In this article, the authors develop their critique of Fernie and Metcalf's (1998) argument by highlighting the different forms of employee resistance towards electronic surveillance. Indeed, according to the latter authors, the exercise of management control in call centres is far more intensive than the ‘tyranny’ practised on traditional assembly lines.
According to Stephen J. Frenkel et al. (1998), there is an underlying principle of conflict in the management of call centres, which stems from the contradiction between the standardisation of processes and the customisation of products/services.
Among the call centre agents, working time is evenly balanced between men and women: in both cases, around 60 percent spend 25 hours (or less) per week at work. These figures, concerning the working time in call centres, are significantly different from those found in national statistics (total labour force), as part-time work is relatively low in Portugal, and more women tend to work under this regime. According to data provided by the Employment Survey, in 2005, in Portugal, about 16 percent of women and 7 percent of men were working part-time (INE 2006).
References
Ilona Kovács is a full Professor of Sociology of Work at the School of Economics and Management, Technical University of Lisbon, and a researcher at the Research Centre in Economic Sociology and the Sociology of Organisations (SOCIUS). She has published books and articles on several issues in the field of the new technologies and organisational models; technical-organisational changes and new skills and training needs; new models of production; the transformation of work and employment in the information society; and flexible forms of employment
Sara Falcão Casaca is an Assistant Professor of Sociology of Work at the School of Economics and Management, Technical University of Lisbon, and a researcher at SOCIUS (Research Centre in Economic Sociology and the Sociology of Organisations). Her main areas of research are work and employment flexibility; gender relations in the labour market; and the work-life balance. She has also published some articles and chapters in books on these matters