ABSTRACT
In the last few years, much sociological debate has focused on individualisation theory, especially on Beck's risk society version. According to this theory, contemporary social change can be interpreted as the progressive weakening of the influence of social structures on individual behaviour. Individualisation theory has been adopted in many fields of study (voting behaviour, consumption behaviour, etc.). Although much of the debate has a theoretical character, there have been some attempts to empirically assess individualisation theory. As far as poverty is concerned, scholars supporting individualisation theory, as well as scholars opposing it, have adopted one of the following methodological strategies: highlighting the role played by individual variables (especially by life course variables) rather than structural variables; controlling for individual rather than structural variables. Both these approaches focus on short observation windows; however, it is necessary to consider long periods in order to assess the core of individualisation theory, i.e. the decreasing influence of social structures. Our approach assesses the change (rather than the stability) of the individual-level relationship between structures (occupational classes, education, etc.) and poverty over a long time period. This changing-parameter model is implemented through multilevel modelling with families at level one and years at level two. The analysis focuses on the Italian case and it is based on data from the Family Expenditure Survey (Indagine sui Consumi delle Famiglie) that was collected by the Italian Statistical Institute (ISTAT). It covers the period from 1985 to 2011. The results seem to indicate that there is stability in the relationship between structures and poverty.
1. Introduction
In recent years, much sociological debate has focused on individualisation theory, especially on Beck's version. According to this theory, contemporary social change is interpreted as the progressive weakening of the influence of social structures on individual behaviour. Individualisation theory has been applied in many fields of study (consumption, voting behaviour, religiosity, etc.) and not least in poverty studies where it constitutes much of the debate on new social risks (Ranci 2010; Taylor-Gooby 2004). Poverty scholars supporting the individualisation theory argue that poverty is not a static condition but rather an episodic one: poverty spells are related to events and transitions in the life course and have a specific duration that can be short as well as long. This follows from the assumptions that poverty goes beyond the traditional marginal groups and that the poor are individuals endowed with individual orientations of action and capacities for coping with poverty (Leisering and Leibfried 1999).
Scholars supporting individualisation theory, as well as scholars opposing it, have adopted one of the following methodological strategies: highlighting the role played by individual variables (especially by life course variables) rather than structural variables; controlling for individual rather than structural variables. Both these approaches focus on short observation windows; however, it is necessary to consider a long period in order to assess the core of the individualisation theory, i.e. the decreasing influence of social structures. Adopting a multilevel framework, we will assess the change (rather than the stability) of the individual-level relationship between structures (occupational classes, education, etc.) and poverty, over a long time period.
In this paper, we will focus on Italy, which is an interesting case study from the perspective of our research question. Italy has one of the highest poverty rates among developed nations (Morlicchio 2012; Negri and Saraceno 1996; Saraceno 2003) and is one of the most typical examples of the so-called Mediterranean welfare regime (Ferrera 1996). Moreover, Italy is currently undergoing a terrific economic crisis which is expected to have a deep impact on poverty rates and mechanisms. Unfortunately, the data we use only provide us with the opportunity to study the beginning of the economic crisis, but the wide time span here considered permits a comparison between the current crisis and the one that occurred at beginning of the 1990s.
Finally, it is important to note that the debate on individualisation and poverty makes an important contribution to the advancement of poverty studies as a whole. The field of study seems to be generally characterised by intense debate on how to measure poverty, rather than by theoretical contributions aimed at the definition of an explanatory framework. This situation is at least partially due to the descriptive needs of social policies research: needs that have delayed the accumulation of knowledge on the causes and mechanisms of poverty, thus giving the impression that the field of study is characterised by a certain conservatism. Adopting the terminology of Boudon (2002), it could be argued that the adoption of an informative approach contained the development of a cognitive sociology. The debate on individualisation seems to foster a revival of theoretical discussion on poverty with a possible advancement for the whole field of study.
This article is structured into five sections. After this introduction, the debate on individualisation and poverty is reconstructed following the lines of the methodological strategies adopted by scholars supporting, rather than opposing, individualisation theory. In Section 3, our research hypothesis is introduced together with data, indicators, and models used to corroborate it. In Section 4, results are discussed, while conclusions sum up the whole paper discussing possible problems and introducing new research perspectives.
2. The debate on individualisation and poverty
The contrast between individualisation and stratification theory can be traced back to the action-structure dichotomy. Authors who invoke individualisation theory argue that poverty is increasingly dependent on the capacity of individuals to act, the decisions and choices made on the basis of subjective evaluations and skills. In this way, poverty profiles are increasingly atypical and difficult to relate to the usual order of social differentiation. Norms and traditional values – the sources of collective identity that drove the classic processes of social stratification – lose their grip on individuals, thereby reducing the explanatory power of the traditional socio-demographic variables (Beck 1986; Beck and Beck-Gernsheim 2002).
The opposite position is taken by stratification theory (Atkinson 2007; Breen 1997; Goldthorpe 2002), which supports the importance and primacy of social class as a stratification factor, even if account must be taken of the increasingly complex nature of the social divisions that arise from the process of progressive differentiation:
There are good reasons for continuing to believe in the centrality of social classes and in the persistence of this centrality in the long run. However, it remains true […] that supporting the primacy of classes in the overall social stratification system is not to deny that other variables intervene in determining the biographies and living conditions of individuals and groups, or that these other variables, in some institutional conditions and in certain areas of social life, can, in the short and medium term, be more influential and socially visible than class inequalities.1 (Schizzerotto 2002: 45–46)
The theoretical debate between these positions in the field of poverty studies began in the late 1990s, following the publication in English of the book by two German authors who presented the results of an extensive research programme on social assistance in Germany (Leisering and Leibfried 1999). The work attracted widespread interest because it was seen as the first empirical application (to poverty) of the individualisation theory put forward by Beck (1986) – a theory often criticised as not amenable to empirical control (Bernardi 2007). The importance of Leisering and Leibfried's inquiry lies in its combination of individualisation theory with life course theory: ‘Reference to the ‘life course’, then, means analysing poverty in a dynamic perspective framed by both institutional arrangements and individual biographical horizons. These two levels interact to produce the temporal structure of the entire life span’ (Leisering and Leibfried 1999: 6).
The theoretical proposal of the two German authors is summarised in the following four principles:
(1) Temporalisation of poverty. […] Experiences of poverty have a beginning, a specified duration, a certain (continuous or discontinuous) course, and often a conclusion. (2) Agency. The poor […] may be seen as agents endowed with individual orientations of action and capacities for overcoming poverty (or coping with poverty) by purposive action […]. (3) Democratisation. The experience of poverty as a temporary situation and a latent risk extends well into the middle classes, and it is not confined (if it ever was) to traditional marginal groups or to an excluded bottom layer of society (‘transcendence’) […]. (4) Biographisation. […] Poverty is related to events and transitions in the life course such as divorce and unemployment. (Leisering 2003: 3–4)
The study by Leisering and Leibfried was extended in comparative terms by Saraceno (2002). In this research, the income support policies implemented in 13 cities of six different European countries (France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain and Sweden) were analysed. On the one hand, the study confirms the picture of poverty as a much more heterogeneous phenomenon than is usually assumed: the stereotype of the individual continuously dependent on the social services only describes the behaviour of a minority of beneficiaries of economic support; what emerges is a majority of short-term beneficiaries who resort to these measures to overcome a crisis linked to a situation of vulnerability. However, on the other hand, Saraceno (2002) stresses how income-support policies offer their beneficiaries resources, social definitions, opportunities and constraints, and contribute to defining the processes of impoverishment and exclusion as much as the workings of the labour market and family systems.
When we move from theoretical debate to empirical analyses, we find different methodological strategies with which to address the issue. We have synthesised two strategies from a literature review of analyses on poverty individualisation:
highlighting individual rather than structural aspects of social action;
controlling for individual rather than structural variables.
According to the first strategy, the debate on poverty individualisation is resolved by emphasising the importance of the life course rather than structural aspects of social action. Some authors stress that different outcomes ensue from the individual characteristics of subjects, whilst others focus on the enduring strength of social group membership. The focus is exclusively on individual (rather than structural) variables, and the relationships with other variables are not taken into account.
For instance, Leisering and Leibfried (1999) argue that even though the poor are restrained by lack of resources, and possibly by other forms of deprivation and discrimination, they cannot generally be assumed to be merely passive victims of external influences. In support of this argument, they cite the distribution of the overall duration of social assistance claims in the city of Bremen: according to their data, half of the sample (50%) had been using social assistance for up to one year, while only 16% of the respondents had been claiming it for more than five years (Leisering and Leibfried 1999: Fig 3.1). The short-term duration of social assistance claiming constituted evidence that claimants were not overwhelmed by the strength of structural forces; rather, they were able to react and immediately escape from such a situation. The same argument is also supported by a typology of claimants defined on the basis of subjective conceptions of the time spent on social assistance collected through biographical interviews. Leisering and Leibfried (1999: 89–102) define nine types ranging from long-term claimants to ‘bridgers’: the latter use social assistance as a bridge while waiting for a prior benefit to be paid, during a period of biographical reorientation, during childcare years, etc. Claimants adopt many strategies to deal with social assistance, and most of them exhibit the agency side of human behaviour.
From time to time, the same methodological strategy is adopted by the other theoretical side. In a part of their analysis supporting the social stratification approach, Layte and Whelan (2002: 226–228) find, in 1994–1996 ECHP data, that education and social class still had a gross effect (not controlling for other variables) on poverty duration in a European comparative perspective. Again considering gross effects, Vandecasteele (2010: 273–274) concludes that ‘both transient-recurrent as well as longer-term poverty are clearly linked to the social stratification determinants and concurrent life events. Yet, short term poverty is less structured by social stratification determinants compared to longer-term poverty’2 .
Direct comparison of different variables is the most final development of this strategy. Life course variables are compared to structural ones in order to assess their relative strength. According to Vandecasteele (2011: 250–253), the match finishes in a draw: social stratification determinants and life events are both important predictors of poverty entry, and the evidence suggests that no set of variables outweighs the others. Similar conclusions were reached some years previously by Layte et al. (2001: 115).
Several criticisms can be made of this analytical strategy. The results presented by Leisering and Leibfried (1999), supporting the thesis of individual agency, may depend on a new (dynamic) approach taken to the analysis of social reality rather than being the result of a genuine process of social change. Another criticism is that other variables are not controlled for, but this is a venial sin: all the authors cited thus far have been well aware of this problem, and the results that we have extrapolated are usually an intermediate step in their argumentation. A more incisive criticism is the one brought by Sørensen (1998: 245–246) against the estimation of relative effects; a criticism that can be applied here as well:
In my opinion, there is no statistical quantity that gives a meaningful general answer to the question of which variable is more important. The question must, at best, be given a more precise specification. It is possible to ask which of two teaching techniques will produce the greatest gain in academic achievement. The reason is that we can imagine, in this comparison, how an outcome can be produced with two different mechanisms. However, it is impossible to see how it is generally possible to say how important schools are relative to students’ family backgrounds. They are both required. It is like asking whether oxygen or hydrogen is more important for water. If it is possible to conceive of a mechanism that produces the outcomes focused upon, it might be possible to say something meaningful […].
On the one hand, the chances of achieving a balance between resources and needs vary according to family life courses, i.e. singles, newly formed families without children, young families with young children, mature families with older children or those where the children have already left home, etc. The possibilities of the family life course are shaped by the combination of the different individual life courses: the latter greatly influences both the situation of individuals in the labour market and the welfare system – and thus the set of resources available at the household level – and the family's needs, which change after life course events (the birth of a child, the formation of a family, the onset of an illness, death or separation from the partner, a child leaving home, etc.). From this perspective, we can suggest that the events of the family life course have an immediate effect on poverty which changes both the amount and type of resources accumulated, and both the quantity and quality of the needs to be met.
On the other hand, in regard to the structural contexts in which individuals live (education, class, area of residence), it does not seem possible to envisage a similar direct impact on poverty. Contexts, in fact, consist of aspirations, resources (here not only monetary), constraints and opportunities. The individuals embedded in these contexts act in different ways, along different routes, to control their life courses in order to ensure a balance between resources and needs. In this interweaving process, structural contexts seem to have an impact on poverty mediated by the events of life courses. This perspective clarifies the different roles played by life course events, on the one hand, and structural variables on the other.
The second strategy consists in controlling for structural (rather than individual) variables. It takes account of the different relationships of these variables with poverty – as we have just tried to illustrate – and it avoids direct comparisons between them. It considers how structural variables mediate the effect of life course variables. According to this perspective, Biolcati-Rinaldi and Giampaglia (2011) model out-of-poverty transitions using the same life course covariates in samples defined by different structural variables. They find that the effects of job careers on poverty in Italy are the same for different structural contexts, while they differ according to household size and composition. Vandecasteele (2011: 253–259) reaches similar conclusions on looking at the interaction terms between social stratification determinants and life events in random effects event history models for poverty entry in Europe: social determinants mediate the effect of childbirth but not that of job loss, while the evidence for partnership dissolution is mixed. Whilst both of these analyses are based on ECHP data, Whelan and Maître (2008a) use Irish EU-SILC data. They employ the same strategy as Vandecasteele (2011) based on interaction between lifecycle variables and social class to draw the following general conclusion:
Our analysis makes clear that life cycle effects are not simply a by-product of social class differences. Neither is it true, however, that the existence of such effects allows us to dismiss the impact of social class. The need to take both factors into account is made more crucial by the evidence we have presented of significant interaction between them. The scale of life cycle differences varies systematically by social class. Viewed alternatively, the magnitude of social class differences varies across the life cycle with, for example such differences being a great deal more important for children than for older people. Thus life cycle and class differences are enmeshed in a fashion that makes it arbitrary to attempt to partition their influence. (Whelan and Maître 2008a: 152)3
3. Hypothesis and models, data and indicators
In what follows, we seek to develop a third analytical strategy based on time. It plays a crucial role in all of the studies seen thus far. They refer to an individual dimension of time, in this case poverty duration (Leisering and Walker 1998; Walker 1994): time is used to define ‘bridgers’ rather than long-term claimants, transient-recurrent rather than longer-term poverty, etc. These studies usually use panel data and consider quite a short observation period. Here we shall investigate another dimension of time: the one concerning the individual-level relationship and its change over time. It is possible to find some attempts in this direction in the literature: for instance, according to Layte and Whelan (2002: 224), between 1989 and 1995 in most of the European countries, the poverty risk of the disadvantaged manual working-class group compared to the non-manual group was stable or even increasing. Generally speaking, a strategy of this kind has been recognised as not an easy one to adopt: ‘We cannot examine the ‘temporalization’ thesis, or the ‘democratization’ thesis that poverty is increasingly experienced by the middle classes because it requires longitudinal data’ (Layte et al.2001: 110). In fact, it requires data difficult to obtain: repeated cross-sectional surveys or panels without attrition problems, long observation windows, many measurement occasions, harmonised data. Such data make it possible to assess the core of the individualisation theory, which understands contemporary social change as the progressive weakening of the influence of social structures on individual behaviour.
In our application of this methodological strategy, we will assess the change (rather than the stability) of the individual-level relationship between structures and poverty over a long time period. More precisely, our hypothesis is that: ‘in the recent Italian context (1985–2011) the association between structural variables (area of residence, education, occupational class) and poverty, controlling for life course variables, has remained stable over time’. We will apply a changing-parameter model, i.e. an interaction model where the relationship between structural variables and poverty can change according to the value of a third variable (time) (Firebaugh 1997: 42–63): more precisely, we will apply a multilevel extension of this model (Firebaugh 2008: 176–185).
The data that we used to test our hypothesis came from the Italian Statistical Institute's (ISTAT) surveys on consumption by Italian families (‘Indagine sui consumi delle famiglie’) from 1985 to 2011. These surveys collect the amounts of expenditure allocated by households in Italy to the purchase of goods and services. In particular, adopting diaries as the data collection technique,4 the questionnaires ask the interviewees for details about the money spent on food, clothing, health, transport, communications, leisure, holidays, cultural consumption, education and other occasional or exceptional expenses (e.g. expenses for legal issues or for car rental).
The information collected by these surveys is used by ISTAT to provide estimates on poverty and other economic indicators for Italy. Private consumption contributes to the macro-economic indicator ‘Final Consumption Expenditure’ shown in Figure 1. This trend yields understanding of important variations in lifestyles and social well-being during the period considered, emphasising the economic crises of the early 1990s and since 2008.
Annual percentage growth of ‘Final Consumption Expenditure’ for Italy, from 1985 to 2009 (source: ISTAT).
In this context, by using a cumulative data-set that merges ISTAT surveys, we can study social change over 27 years by considering detailed socio-economic information on 747,204 families. The average size of the samples is around 27,000 cases per year (see Appendix Table A1).
As discussed in the previous sections, levels of expenditure can be used to calculate the percentage of poor families. Different methods are applied to estimate poverty. The most common of them focus on the concept of ‘relative poverty’, defining as poor a family with a level of consumption below 60% of the median equivalised expenditure (the so-called poverty line). Equivalent consumption takes account of the size and composition characteristics of the household. In particular, we adopted the OECD modified scale (Mejer and Siermann 2000) currently used by Eurostat to evaluate poverty and based on Europeans’ incomes (see ECHP/EU-SILC). Thus, the equivalised consumption was calculated by dividing the household's total expenditure by its equivalent size. In the equivalent size, the first adult had weight 1; the second and each subsequent person aged 14 and over had weight 0.5; and each child aged below 14 had weight 0.3.5
On the basis of this definition of poverty in Italy, we obtained the trend reported in Figure 2. The percentages vary from about 16% to 18.5% and are similar and fairly constant during the period considered, in particular, from the late 1990s (Brandolini 2009). An increase is present between 1996 and 1997, but it should be noted that there is a methodological interruption in the ISTAT series. In fact, in 1997, questionnaires were redesigned and some questions were modified (including some expenditure items in the diaries). Also Figure 2 shows small but significant differences between poverty based on income (ECHP/EU-SILC data) and poverty based on consumption, but it is likely that these difference are due to different types of poverty measures, as well known in the literature (Buhmann et al.1988; Cutler and Katz 1992). In particular, it seems that the poverty line calculated on consumption is relatively lower than that calculated on income (Cutler and Katz 1992). Consequently, the number of poor families is smaller. Thus, interpretation of the results will depend upon careful consideration of analysis conducted on a definition of poverty based on household expenditure and not on household income.
Percentages of poor households according to various definitions. Households at-risk-of poverty rate (Source: Eurostat – SILC): http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/.
As discussed, the status of poverty may be due to both structural social conditions and life course variables. which we try to grasp by looking at demographic variations in the population. Empirical evidence in Italy shows that elderly persons, large households and one-parent families tend to have greater chances of being in poverty or in vulnerability conditions (Brandolini 2009; Freguja and Pannuzi 2007; Lucchini and Sarti 2005). Thus, in order to answer our research question correctly, we had to consider in our analysis the possible confounding role of the demographic characteristics of the families. In fact, demographic changes may exert effects on poverty independently of socio-economic structures.
The form of the data-set presented a problem concerning the unit of analysis, the household (the only level at which we could estimate poverty with the data available). For this reason, we had to aggregate the individual characteristics at familial level.
We therefore decided the following operationalisation of the demographic familial indicators:
a dummy variable for the gender of the reference person;6
an ordinal variable for the age of the reference person (<35 years, 35–44 years, 45–54 years, 55–64 years and >64 years);
an ordinal variable for the size of household (1 member, 2 members, 3–4 members, more than 4 members).7
In discussing the individualisation of poverty, we said that life events can be considered as contingent situations faced differently by individuals (see the previous section). It was for this reason that we decided to add a control variable, namely the presence of at least one unemployed person within the family. This was operationalised as a dummy variable at familial level. Although unemployment is associated with macro-economic conditions, in this way we would be able to exclude a factor strongly associated with poverty that supporters of the decline of the role of social structures might consider an event linked to idiosyncratic choices in life courses.
The structural indicators that we used were:
a dummy variable for the residential area of the household (northern versus southern regions),8
an ordinal variable for the educational attainment of the reference person (primary, lower secondary, upper secondary or tertiary)9 ;
a categorical variable for the family's social class (manual workers, petty bourgeoisie, white collars and bourgeoisie).10
Moreover, the letter u denotes the residuals at the second level. With the aim of estimating the variations across time by means of the second level residuals, we consider the random slope for each of the main independent variables in each of the three models. Beta and gamma coefficients of the regression are the values we wanted to estimate.12 We used the PQL2 procedure (penalised quasi-likelihood, second order estimation) as suggested by Rasbash et al. (2009) and Rodriguez and Goldman (2001).13
4. Results of the analysis
The purpose of the analysis was to describe the year-to-year fluctuations in the associations between poverty and the traditional social structural indicators using hierarchical regression models with household at the first level nested in units of time at the second level, controlled for some potential confounding variables. The results of the multilevel models are set out in Table 1.
. | . | Model 1.1 . | Model 1.2 . | Model 1.3* . |
---|---|---|---|---|
Intercept | –2.590 (0.039) | –3.781 (0.031) | –3.994 (0.058) | |
Series of survey | From 1997 to 2011 | –0.007 (0.030) | 0.171 (0.015) | 0.164 (0.023) |
From 1985 to 1996 | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
Gender | Female | 0.234 (0.009) | 0.162 (0.009) | 0.222 (0.015) |
Male | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
Age (years) | <35 years | –0.253 (0.013) | 0.298 (0.014) | 0.153 (0.017) |
35–44 years | –0.221 (0.012) | 0.229 (0.012) | 0.096 (0.015) | |
45–54 years | –0.225 (0.011) | 0.008 (0.012) | –0.029 (0.014) | |
55–64 years | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
>64 years | 0.830 (0.010) | 0.621 (0.010) | 0.216 (0.018) | |
Size of household | 1 | 0.356 (0.011) | 0.362 (0.011) | –0.333 (0.014) |
2 | 0.101 (0.009) | 0.085 (0.009) | –0.284 (0.014) | |
3–4 | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
5+ | 0.636 (0.012) | 0.537 (0.012) | 0.577 (0.013) | |
Unemployment | At least one member unemployed | 0.552 (0.010) | 0.462 (0.010) | 0.311 (0.013) |
No unemployed | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
Structural variables | ||||
Geographic area | Southern Italy and Islands | 1.199 (0.031)+ | 1.183 (0.031)+ | 1.213 (0.033)+ |
Central and northern Italy | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
Educational attainment | Primary | – | 1.585 (0.024)+ | 0.948 (0.033)+ |
Lower secondary | – | 0.915 (0.023)+ | 0.560 (0.022)+ | |
Upper secondary or tertiary | – | 0 | 0 | |
Social class | Manual workers | – | – | 1.087 (0.057)+ |
Petty bourgeoisie | – | – | 0.700 (0.044)+ | |
White collars | – | – | 0.372 (0.036)+ | |
Bourgeoisie | – | – | 0 | |
Variation year-to-year (random part) | –Intercept | 0.031 (0.009) | 0.019 (0.006) | 0.071 (0.023) |
–Southern Italy and Islands | 0.025 (0.007) | 0.029 (0.008) | 0.026 (0.008) | |
–Primary | 0.013 (0.004) | 0.023 (0.008) | ||
–Lower secondary | 0.011 (0.004) | 0.008 (0.004) | ||
–Manual workers | – | 0.024 (0.010) | ||
–Petty bourgeoisie | – | 0.038 (0.014) | ||
–White collars | – | 0.075 (0.024) | ||
VPC at second levela | 0.009 | 0.006 | 0.021 | |
Valid cases | 747204 | 747204 | 509342 |
. | . | Model 1.1 . | Model 1.2 . | Model 1.3* . |
---|---|---|---|---|
Intercept | –2.590 (0.039) | –3.781 (0.031) | –3.994 (0.058) | |
Series of survey | From 1997 to 2011 | –0.007 (0.030) | 0.171 (0.015) | 0.164 (0.023) |
From 1985 to 1996 | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
Gender | Female | 0.234 (0.009) | 0.162 (0.009) | 0.222 (0.015) |
Male | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
Age (years) | <35 years | –0.253 (0.013) | 0.298 (0.014) | 0.153 (0.017) |
35–44 years | –0.221 (0.012) | 0.229 (0.012) | 0.096 (0.015) | |
45–54 years | –0.225 (0.011) | 0.008 (0.012) | –0.029 (0.014) | |
55–64 years | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
>64 years | 0.830 (0.010) | 0.621 (0.010) | 0.216 (0.018) | |
Size of household | 1 | 0.356 (0.011) | 0.362 (0.011) | –0.333 (0.014) |
2 | 0.101 (0.009) | 0.085 (0.009) | –0.284 (0.014) | |
3–4 | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
5+ | 0.636 (0.012) | 0.537 (0.012) | 0.577 (0.013) | |
Unemployment | At least one member unemployed | 0.552 (0.010) | 0.462 (0.010) | 0.311 (0.013) |
No unemployed | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
Structural variables | ||||
Geographic area | Southern Italy and Islands | 1.199 (0.031)+ | 1.183 (0.031)+ | 1.213 (0.033)+ |
Central and northern Italy | 0 | 0 | 0 | |
Educational attainment | Primary | – | 1.585 (0.024)+ | 0.948 (0.033)+ |
Lower secondary | – | 0.915 (0.023)+ | 0.560 (0.022)+ | |
Upper secondary or tertiary | – | 0 | 0 | |
Social class | Manual workers | – | – | 1.087 (0.057)+ |
Petty bourgeoisie | – | – | 0.700 (0.044)+ | |
White collars | – | – | 0.372 (0.036)+ | |
Bourgeoisie | – | – | 0 | |
Variation year-to-year (random part) | –Intercept | 0.031 (0.009) | 0.019 (0.006) | 0.071 (0.023) |
–Southern Italy and Islands | 0.025 (0.007) | 0.029 (0.008) | 0.026 (0.008) | |
–Primary | 0.013 (0.004) | 0.023 (0.008) | ||
–Lower secondary | 0.011 (0.004) | 0.008 (0.004) | ||
–Manual workers | – | 0.024 (0.010) | ||
–Petty bourgeoisie | – | 0.038 (0.014) | ||
–White collars | – | 0.075 (0.024) | ||
VPC at second levela | 0.009 | 0.006 | 0.021 | |
Valid cases | 747204 | 747204 | 509342 |
Conditioned model: household with at least one member employed.
Random slope.
The dichotomous dependent variable could be considered a continuous variable truncated by an arbitrary threshold (the poverty line). Thus, following the suggestions of Snijders and Bosker (1999), the variation partition coefficient (VPC) at the second level is: , where is the variation year-to-year.
The estimates in Model 1.1 are significant in the expected direction. The coefficients indicate a greater chance of being poor for households in southern regions of Italy, ceteris paribus demographic characteristics and the presence of unemployed persons in the family. The average estimates added to residuals of the temporal contexts are shown in Figure 3. It should be borne in mind that we were interested in describing the association between structural variables and poverty in the temporal dimension. The variation partition coefficient (VPC) or intra-year correlation is very low, about 1%. This value confirms a strong stability across time. However, close consideration of the trend in Figure 3 shows a slight increase in the risk of poverty for southern families in the early 1990s. The economic crisis that involved many Western countries in that period seems to have disadvantaged Italy's southern regions in particular.
Model 1.1. Estimates (logit) of the geographical area, residuals of the year-to-year fluctuations added to average coefficients. Reference category: Northern and Central Italy.
The focus of Model 1.2 is on educational attainment, controlled for demographic variables, series of the survey, unemployment and geographical area (which is a structural but antecedent condition). On average, where the reference person has a primary level of education, households are more likely to be in poverty (the coefficient is 1.585). The heterogeneity explained at the time level is still very low (0.6%). Figure 4 shows residuals added to average coefficients. More specifically, one notes an increase in the early 1990s in the association between poverty and education for those households in which the reference person has a lower secondary education with respect to the reference category (households with upper secondary or tertiary educations), probably due to the consequences of the economic crisis. Moreover, Figure 4 shows a slight decrease in the association in recent years for persons with a primary education. This may be due to credential inflation: that is, the presence of younger generations with a larger number of graduates, and the progressive disappearance of older cohorts with low levels of education (Bernardi 2003).
Model 1.2. Estimates (logit) of educational attainment, residuals of the year-to-year fluctuations added to average coefficients. Reference category: Upper secondary or tertiary.
The last Model 1.3 focuses on the association between poverty and social class. The estimates are significant in the expected direction: households in the manual working class are more likely to be poor, also controlling for educational attainment and other confounding variables. Also the intra-unit correlation remains very low, about 2.1%. Figure 5 clearly shows that the association is stable during the 27 years considered.14 A discontinuity is apparent from 1996 to 1997, but is likely due to the different questionnaire used in the survey (in this case, the dummy variable does not seem able to capture the bias). However, if we consider the graph closely, the early 1990s show a slight increase in the likelihood of being poor for the manual working class compared with other classes.
Summarising, the analysis has two main results. The first is the strong stability of the association between poverty and structural variables over time, from 1985 to 2011. Hierarchical models show that the variability explained by the temporal contexts is very low. Also on considering the periods of economic crisis, the associations are stable; rather, they show a slight increase of association in these periods (in particular in the early 1990s). However, the current crisis that began in 2008, at least until 2011, has not yet shown evident changes.
Model 1.3. Estimates (logit) of social class, residuals of the year-to-year fluctuations added to average coefficients. Reference category: Bourgeoisie.
5. Conclusions
In this article, we have dealt with the debate on individualisation and poverty. We have seen that scholars for and against individualisation theory share the same methodological strategies that can be summarised in two different streams: highlighting individual rather than structural aspects of social action and controlling for individual rather than structural variables. Both these methodological strategies deal with time. In fact, most of the studies mentioned above use not poverty status but poverty duration as their dependent variable, applying a dynamic approach to the study of the phenomenon; they usually use panel data and consider quite short observation periods. These methodological strategies enable us to gain an understanding of the interrelationships between life course, structural variables and poverty, but they do not tell us whether or not the relationships they illuminate hold over extended periods of time. From this point of view, it is extremely important to consider another dimension of time: that which concerns the individual-level relationship between structures and poverty and its change over long time periods. In this article, we switched to focus on repeated cross-sectional surveys in order to give us wide observation windows. Such data make it possible to assess the core of individualisation theory, which understands contemporary social change as the progressive weakening of the influence of social structures on individual behaviour.
We focused our analysis on Italy from 1985 to 2011 and were able to corroborate our hypothesis that the association of poverty with structural variables (area of residence, education, occupational class), controlling for life course variables, has remained stable over time. Moreover, if we consider the periods of economic crisis, the results show a slight increase of association between poverty and structural variables in these periods (in particular in the early 1990s). However, the current crisis that began in 2008, at least up until 2011, has not yet shown evident changes.
According to our perspective, these results corroborate stratification theory but they do not entail that individualisation theory should be completely abandoned. The two theories should continue their dialogue in order to reshape and improve each other. In the studies that we have classified in the second methodological strategy, we already see the interrelationships between life course and structural variables at work; interestingly, social determinants seem to mediate the role of family events but not those of jobs and careers. Even within the strategy we implemented, a more sophisticated control for life course variables ought to be developed (Mayer 2009).
A second general remark concerns the research design. We have focused on a single nation (Italy) but the results could be different in other countries with different levels of economic condition and diverse welfare regimes, as other scholars have already highlighted (Layte and Whelan 2002: 224). This calls for adopting a comparative perspective in the OECD framework. Scholars should be aware that the methodological strategy here implemented puts heavy constraints on data availability that standard harmonised data-sets are not always able to fulfil: it requires datasets where reliable poverty variables and harmonised structural variables are available over a long time period. In some cases, a comparative project may require a stream of collaboration between national research groups.
Footnotes
Translated by the authors.
The different poverty patterns were derived from a latent class analysis of the complete ECHP.
In all these papers, the authors have analysed how structural variables mediate the effects of life course variables, but it is also possible to find in the literature examples of the reverse approach, i.e. controlling for individual variables (Layte and Whelan 2002: 228–230).
The main advantage of the diary technique of data collection is that it furnishes reliable information on low-level expenses or daily consumption activities (Fortini 2000).
See also http://www.oecd.org/redirect/dataoecd/61/52/35411111.pdf. Used in Italy is another scale of equivalence, called Carbonaro (1985). In this alternative formula, the weights are based only on the size of household. For 1 member the weight is 0.6, for 2 members it is 1, for 3, 1.33, for 4, 1.63, for 5, 1.9, for 6, 2.16 and for 7 or more it is 2.4. We also considered this scale to test the robustness of analysis. The results can be obtained from the authors.
The reference person is the respondent of the familial section of the questionnaire in the surveys (he/she corresponds to the traditional concept of head of household).
In preliminary analysis we considered other variables to describe family life course more accurately (children 0–5 years old in the household, children 0–14 years old in the household, individuals 65 or more years old in the household, individuals 75 or more years old in the household) but their effects were mostly captured by other variables already in the models (age of the reference person, size of households) due to collinearity problems.
Southern regions include Sicily and Sardinia. We tested a geographical categorization in five areas, but north-western, north-eastern, and central Italy showed similar coefficients. Likewise southern Italy and islands (Sardinia and Sicily) showed similar coefficients in the models.
While in some other countries it is usual to aggregate primary and lower secondary education, here we preferred to aggregate upper secondary and tertiary levels, given the low percentage of graduates that characterises Italy (OECD2012).
We considered only the households in which at least one member was employed. We attributed to the household the social class of the individual with the higher employment status (following the usual hierarchy: bourgeoisie, white collars, petty bourgeoisie and manual workers).
This dummy variable varies only at the second level.
We used MLWIN software.
If the number of units in the first level is large and contexts are homogenous in size, and the dependent variable is not too asymmetric, bias in estimates are not relevant (Goldstein and Rasbash 1996).
Similar results were reached by Albertini (2013: 34) on the basis of different methods (index decomposition and quantile regression analysis) and focusing on economic inequality: ‘Descriptive statistics, therefore, signal that in the last three decades the relation between individuals’ social class and economic situation has not weakened’.
References
Appendix
. | Frequency . |
---|---|
1985 | 32,697 |
1986 | 33,242 |
1987 | 34,751 |
1988 | 34,493 |
1989 | 33,657 |
1990 | 33,159 |
1991 | 32,147 |
1992 | 31,901 |
1993 | 34,261 |
1994 | 33,909 |
1995 | 34,395 |
1996 | 22,728 |
1997 | 22,339 |
1998 | 21,559 |
1999 | 20,896 |
2000 | 23,705 |
2001 | 23,888 |
2002 | 27,402 |
2003 | 27,902 |
2004 | 24,775 |
2005 | 24,030 |
2006 | 23,544 |
2007 | 24,310 |
2008 | 23,345 |
2009 | 22,912 |
2010 | 22,174 |
2011 | 23,083 |
Total | 747,204 |
. | Frequency . |
---|---|
1985 | 32,697 |
1986 | 33,242 |
1987 | 34,751 |
1988 | 34,493 |
1989 | 33,657 |
1990 | 33,159 |
1991 | 32,147 |
1992 | 31,901 |
1993 | 34,261 |
1994 | 33,909 |
1995 | 34,395 |
1996 | 22,728 |
1997 | 22,339 |
1998 | 21,559 |
1999 | 20,896 |
2000 | 23,705 |
2001 | 23,888 |
2002 | 27,402 |
2003 | 27,902 |
2004 | 24,775 |
2005 | 24,030 |
2006 | 23,544 |
2007 | 24,310 |
2008 | 23,345 |
2009 | 22,912 |
2010 | 22,174 |
2011 | 23,083 |
Total | 747,204 |
Ferruccio Biolcati-Rinaldi is Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University of Milan where he teaches undergraduate and doctoral courses in methodology of social research and data analysis. His research interests include poverty and income support policies and programmes evaluation.
Simone Sarti is Assistant Professor at the University of Milan where he teaches undergraduate courses in methodology of social research and society and social change. His studies include social stratification, social vulnerabilities and inequalities in health.
Author notes
Previous versions of this article were presented at the following conferences: IMPALLA-ESPANET conference, Luxembourg, 18–19 April 2013; ESA 11th Conference, Turin, 28–31 August 2013.