ABSTRACT We start out from Harriet Zuckerman’s study of the US scientific ultra-elite of Nobel laureates, in which Robert Merton's idea of ‘Matthew effects’ as a key mechanism in the creation of social inequalities was first introduced. We then consider two issues arising from critical commentary on this study by Elisabeth Crawford, a historian of science. First, how far can a scientific ultra-elite be shown to exist as a collectivity that is socially distinctive? Second, how far is Zuckerman’s account of the formation of the US ultra-elite trough ‘bilateral associative selection’ between scientific masters and their would-be apprentices historically specific to the US? In the UK case, we compare the social origins and educational careers of members of two possible scientific ultra-elites, defined by differing degrees of stringency, with those of other elite scientists. We find that as one moves from the elite to the less stringently defined ultra-elite, there is little evidence of increasing social stratification but that such evidence does emerge in moving to the more stringently defined ultra-elite. We also show through two contrasting Cambridge case studies, that the underlying social processes that Zuckerman identifies in ultra-elite formation in the US are also present in these UK contexts.

ABSTRACT Recent research into educational inequalities has shown the importance of decomposing social origins into parental class, status and education, representing economic, socio-cultural and educational family resources, respectively. But we know little about how inequalities in educational attainment at the micro-level map onto institutional characteristics of educational systems at the macro-level, if we treat social origins in a multidimensional way. Drawing on the rich over-time variation in educational systems in four European countries – Britain, Sweden, Germany and Italy – this paper develops and tests a number of hypotheses regarding the effects of various components of social origins on individuals’ educational attainment in different institutional contexts. It is evident from our results that a great deal of similarity exists across nations with different educational systems in the persisting importance for individuals’ educational attainment of parental class, status and education. But our findings also indicate that changes in the institutional features of educational systems have, in some instances although not in others, served to reinforce or to offset the social processes generating educational inequalities at the micro level.

ABSTRACT Studies of intergenerational class mobility and of intragenerational occupational mobility have of late tended to diverge in their concerns and methodology. This reflects assumptions regarding the increasing part played by education in intergenerational mobility and the decreasing part played by class origins in intragenerational mobility, once education is controlled. The paper contributes to the questioning of these assumptions on empirical grounds. Analyses are made of the occupational mobility of men in three British birth cohorts over the course of their earlier working lives. We find that while educational qualifications have a strong effect on occupational attainment, this effect does not increase across the three cohorts; that class origins also have a significant effect, and one that does not decrease across the cohorts; and that features of work-life experience, in particular the frequency of occupational changes, likewise have a persisting effect, independently of both education and class origins. Secular changes in mobility processes are thus scarcely in evidence, but the analyses do provide strong indications of a cohort effect. Men in the 1958 birth cohort, whose first years in the labour market coincided with a period of severe recession, de-industrialisation and high unemployment, would appear to have experienced various lasting disadvantages in their subsequent occupational histories.