Abstract

Research in the obscure domicile files of Poznań’s Municipal Records reveals that in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Poznań, fertility was determined by the interaction of many socioeconomic factors. Mothers’ birth cohort and husbands’ socioeconomic status proved to be the strongest factors significantly influencing women’s age at matrimony, their age at first birth, and their number of children. Women born before 1890 married and started giving birth to the first child later than those born after 1890. The wives of workers and craftsmen started reproduction earlier and had more children than those of white-collar professionals. Religion did not influence women’s age at marriage and age at first birth, but it did influence their number of children.

This research note presents the results of a pilot study of marital fertility and of family size in Poznań, Poland. At the end of the nineteenth century, the city of Poznań was variously affected by political, economic, and cultural changes associated with the modernization of society, improvements in the quality and style of life, and a general increase in circulated information. The prevailing assumption was that such rapid changes at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century would result in blurring the differences in fertility between Poznań’s inhabitants regardless of their religion and social affiliation. Nonetheless, the unsatisfactory state of research into fertility patterns in Poznań during the period of the demographic transition calls for further studies.

Fertility patterns and their causative factors have received little attention in Poland; methods based on family reconstruction have yet to be applied there extensively. Borowski’s work in the 1980s was of great significance, however, especially regarding the demographic processes in the micro-region of the village of Czacz in Greater Poland. The target of Borowski’s studies were peasant families from three types of parish registers. In 1990, Piasecki modified the method of family reconstruction for individuals by first coding the data derived from parish records and then entering it into computer memory for calculations. But at this point, no studies of fertility in nineteenth-century Poland based on the reconstruction of reproductive histories of families have appeared.1

Makowski’s important 1992 monograph was a step in the right direction, but it deployed only traditional narrative methods, without any sophisticated statistical analysis. Notably, the sources for Makowski’s demographic research included parish registers; guild documents; the personal files of officials, physicians, and teachers; and the records of the Archbishop’s Ordinary and Evangelical consistory. Unfortunately, however, it covered only the Catholic and Protestant populations; all of the documentation about the Jewish community in Poznań was lost during World War II. Catholic populations from Greater Poland, Silesia, and Little Poland also came under anthropological scrutiny—for example, the parishes of Szczepanowo, Płużnica Wielka, and Wielkie Drogi. Moreover, several studies about biological dynamics have recently appeared, including research into fertility, based on the reproductive histories of Protestant women in the cities and villages of Poznań province during the second half of the nineteenth century. But this research note carries the investigation further.2

Poznań in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries

Poznań, the capital of Greater Poland, was the largest Polish city under Prussian occupation during the second partition of the Republic of Poland in 1793. From 1815 to 1848, Poznań was the capital of the Grand Duchy of Poznań, and from 1848 to 1918, it was the capital of Poznań province. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the city had almost 24,000 inhabitants; from 1871 to 1895, the population of Poznań increased from 56,000 to 73,000.3

The city had three main religious denominations. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Catholics constituted about 60 percent of the civil population. Until the beginning of the twentieth century, Lutherans were 30 percent: Most of the Lutherans were Germans; German officials and their families came to the city as the administration was developing. By the mid-nineteenth century, Jews constituted about 20 percent of Poznań’s population. Their number decreased to 7.9 percent in 1900. Melting into the German bourgeoisie, they eventually became part of the German population.4

In the nineteenth century, Poznań became an important economic center. The first industrial plants appeared there as early as the second half of the nineteenth century, but the driving force for its development was technical progress and the growing demand for various types of machinery, equipment, and agricultural fertilizers. Despite changes in production, the city had only about ten major industrial enterprises in the 1860s; craftsmanship still played a crucial role in its progress. Favorable conditions for development took hold during the late 1870s, with the advent of a new European and American market for groceries (dairy- and meat-processing industries and bakery and confectionery industries). Thereafter, the number of industrial and craft enterprises increased by 30 percent.

The vodka and spirits producers were the first to take advantage of this boom. The situation was also propitious for Poznań’s grain milling, which continued to thrive until the outbreak of World War I. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the food industry came to the fore in Poznań. The growth of the metal industry, which specialized in the production of agricultural machinery, was more modest. The Metbelsky, Cegelski, and Moegelin metal plants, which produced machinery and agricultural tools, steam locomotives, and wagons, initiated capitalist enterprise in Poznań. Not to be overlooked was the emergence of the chemical industry, primarily in the form of fertilizer production (such as the Moritz Milich and Roman May varieties). Nonetheless, at the beginning of the twentieth century, 93 percent of Poznań’s enterprises were still craft workshops and small industries, employing no more than ten workers.

The economic development of Poznań in the second half of the nineteenth century altered the city’s occupational structure. Poznań’s once predominant population of office personnel in time began to see an influx of people working in commerce and industry. In 1867, 16.1 percent of its inhabitants were involved in trade and 28.2 percent in industrial occupations; in 1895, the breakdown was 21.6 percent and 42.5 percent, respectively. At the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the temporary laborers who followed the new investments in public and private construction became the dominant blue-collar group in Poznań. From 1870 to 1907, the number of these workers in Poznań increased five times, amounting to 30,000 at the beginning of the twentieth century.5

Poznań’s workers came from the petty bourgeois, rather than from impoverished peasantry. In the nineteenth century, Poznań was one of the few larger Prussian cities with a considerable amount of free labor. Many unemployed, and unskilled, people migrated there, mainly from Poznań province, searching for any work at all, especially after the enfranchisement of some of the richest peasants. At the turn of the twentieth century, at least 12,000 people lived in Poznań for at least a short time without a permanent source of income. The only group of workers not large enough to cover the existing demand were servants. Fewer women than men were available to work in Poznań. In 1907, women constituted 41 percent of those employed in horticulture, 1.4 percent of those in transport, and 25.4 percent of those in industry (including crafts). Women’s salaries averaged roughly one-third of men’s for the same occupation, reaching 70 percent only in the best cases.6

Poor housing conditions reflected low wages for a significant part of Poznań’s population. At the beginning of the twentieth century, almost 45 percent of the city’s population lived in one-room dwellings, often cramped, damp, and unheated; as many as twelve people sometimes had to share a room. Only a few cities in Germany experienced housing conditions worse than those in Poznań. In terms of medical care, however, Poznań was one of the most advanced cities under Prussian administration.7

Municipal Records of Poznań Residents

The all-but-forgotten domicile files of Poznań’s residents were a part of Poznań’s Municipal Records, deposited in the State Archives in Poznań (position numbers 14227–15317). They consisted of 1,091 units kept in boxes, each of which contained approximately 850 to 1,000 cards (see Figure 1). The Poznań Domicile Files appear to have been collected between 1871 and 1932, their origin associated with the police-administration law of March 11, 1850. At first, the Bureau of Poznań Police was the institution responsible for keeping the records, but the Decree of the President of the Republic of Poland on March 16th, 1928, made the Department of Civil Registration of Municipal Office in Poznań responsible for them. The Municipal Records of Poznań provide detailed and unique information about the city’s inhabitants, both permanent and temporary, in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The entries relating to a particular person or family often include a period of several decades and several generations. They include information about the social life of people in informal relationships, and even of local prostitutes. The details that they provide about the sociocultural diversity of the city’s inhabitants helps to create a foundation for the study of fertility and its condition within Poznań’s population during the period of demographic and social transformation. Most of these types of files, if they existed at all elsewhere in Poland, were destroyed or lost.8

Fig. 1

A Page from the Domicile Files

Fig. 1

A Page from the Domicile Files

Materials

The Domicile files in the Municipal Records contain individual cards for each family—recording names, surnames, professions, dates and places of birth, home addresses of families, dates and places of marriage and death, and religion. Unfortunately, the data for women include no information regarding nationality. Based on the information written on each card, we created a database in Excel to show the name and surname (including maiden name), date of birth (day, month, and year), wedding date (day, month, and year), age at marriage, date of death (day, month, and year), age at death, and religious denomination of women and their husbands. The database also contained women’s number of children born alive and of stillbirths, information about premarital conceptions/premarital births, length of the protogenetic interval (in months)—the time between the date of marriage and date of the first birth—age when giving birth to the first child, dates of subsequent childbirths (day, month, and year), age at the time of successive deliveries, and length of intergenetic intervals (in months)—the time between births—as well as children’s names, dates of deaths, and age at death. For widows, the number of children from subsequent marriages was added. We selected domicile files containing information for both parents and children. This data set, transferred to statistica 12, presents the reproductive histories of 650 randomly selected women. The oldest women in our database were born in 1811 and the youngest in 1913.

Methods

The women in the study were divided according to their birth cohort, their own religious denomination, and their husband’s profession. The variable “religious denomination” has two categories—(1) Catholics and (2) Lutherans. The variable “mother’s birth cohort” consists of two categories—(1) women born in 1889 or earlier and (2) women born in 1890 or later. Husband’s profession (ses, or socioeconomic status, of husband) divides into three groups—(1) workers, (2) craftsmen, and (3) white-collar professionals. The first group is comprised of weavers, daily laborers, hired workers and the lowest-paid jacks-of-all-trade, and skilled and unskilled workers. The craftsmen also included their apprentices. The white-collar professionals are represented by officials, teachers, accountants, lawyers, physicians, and pharmacists.

The pilot analysis of women’s fertility in Poznań’s families rests on the variables: woman’s age at marriage, age at first and at subsequent births, length of birth intervals, and number of children. The age of a woman at marriage was calculated from the information about the date of her birth and the date of her matrimony. The age of a woman at subsequent childbirths was calculated from the information about her date of birth and dates of subsequent deliveries. Protogenetic intervals (0)—the period between the date of marriage and the date of birth of the first child—were calculated in months. Intergenetic intervals (1–5−x)—the period between successive births—were also calculated in months. Intergenetic intervals longer than eight years were removed from the analysis since they implied conscious birth control. Protogenetic intervals shorter than nine months were also removed since they indicated conceptions out of wedlock. Birth intervals were characterized according to their order by mothers’ religious denomination, their husbands’ ses (expressed by their profession), and mothers’ birth cohort. Differences in the values of birth intervals between groups were tested by anova.

Women’s descriptive statistics (means and standard deviations) were calculated for age at matrimony, the age at birth of the first child, and the number of children, according to their religious denomination, social status (expressed by husband’s profession), and their birth cohort. Differences in the values of the above-mentioned characteristics between groups were compared with anova and Tukey’s-test (post-hoc test).

The impact of a mother’s birth cohort on her age at marriage, age at first birth, and the number of offspring was verified using manova, controlling for husband’s SES and mother’s religious denomination. The statistica package was applied for calculations (www.statsoft.com); significance was set at p0.05.

Results and Discussion

Mothers’ Age at Marriage and Age at First Childbirth (Starting Behavior)

The study of populations from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries provides ambiguous results concerning the age at marriage. Overall, the age of spouses entering into matrimony is linked with social status, the size of the place of residence, or sometimes religious denomination. In our study, the average age at marriage among Catholics and Lutherans did not differ—slightly older than twenty-four years (Table 1)—due to the gradual blurring of socioeconomic distinctions between the followers of these two religions in late nineteenth-century Poznań. In the Swiss canton of Lucerne from 1880 to 1899, women married at an average age of twenty-five years and men three years older. At the beginning of the twentieth century, women’s age at marriage increased by four years and men’s by more than two years. The increase in age at marriage in rural and urban areas of Lucerne was linked to a worsening labor market.9

Table 1

Distribution of Mothers’ Age at First Marriage according to Their Birth Cohort, Religious Denomination, and Husbands’ ses

mothers’ birth cohortaveragesdfp
Born ≤ 1889 24.97 4.70 8.5397 0.0036* 
Born ≥ 1890 23.76 3.63     
  
religionaveragesdfp
Catholics 24.62 3.74 0.1533 0.6955 
Lutherans 24.41 4.41     
  
Husbands’ sesaveragesdfp
Workers 24.86 4.61 2.9964 0.0511* 
Craftsmen 23.96 3.86     
White-collar professionals 25.13 4.06     
mothers’ birth cohortaveragesdfp
Born ≤ 1889 24.97 4.70 8.5397 0.0036* 
Born ≥ 1890 23.76 3.63     
  
religionaveragesdfp
Catholics 24.62 3.74 0.1533 0.6955 
Lutherans 24.41 4.41     
  
Husbands’ sesaveragesdfp
Workers 24.86 4.61 2.9964 0.0511* 
Craftsmen 23.96 3.86     
White-collar professionals 25.13 4.06     
*

Statistically significant differences in age at marriage, tested by anova.

Many historical studies of Western Europe indicate that Protestants traditionally married earlier than did Catholics, on account of their better economic situation. By contrast, during the second half of the nineteenth century, Lutherans in the German villages of Baden-Württemberg married, on average, at the age of 26.7 for females and 31 for males, both of which were later than Catholics’ 25.9 years and 30 years, respectively. The onset of the twentieth century saw this trend reversed for economic reasons: Lutheran brides and grooms married two to three years earlier than Catholic ones. In Ortenau, another region of Germany, in the Upper Rhine, Protestant women were 22.6 years old when marrying, one and a half years younger than Catholic women; men of both denominations married 3.4 years later than did women. From 1851 to 1870 in Alsace, Lutherans married an average of two years earlier than did Catholics: In the second half of the nineteenth century, Catholic grooms married at around twenty-eight, while their Lutheran counterparts married at twenty-six. Catholic girls became brides at twenty-six, while their Lutheran counterparts did so at twenty-four. Knodel’s research of Catholic and Protestant villages in Baden, Württemberg, Bavaria, Waldeck, and East Friesland found the average age at marriage for men to be twenty-nine and for women to be twenty-six; in Catholic Bavarian villages, marriage was even later. In nineteenth-century Bűk in western Hungary, Lutheran grooms and brides averaged twenty-seven and twenty-two; Catholic grooms and brides from Transylvania wed earlier, at twenty-five and twenty-one, respectively.10

Gieysztorowa devised a western and an eastern family model for historical Poland. The western model specified a late age for matrimony, and the eastern model, an early age. Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Poland had certain legal regulations concerning the age at marriage, depending on the specific sector. In the Prussian sector, the Landrecht mandated that a groom could legally marry at twenty and a bride at sixteen. During the second half of the nineteenth century, in the Catholic Parish of Bejsce in the Kingdom of Poland (Polish lands under Russian rule), the average age range at first marriage for women and men was twenty to twenty-one and twenty-two to twenty-four, respectively, determined primarily by socioeconomic conditions. Moreover, in the Polish lands within the Russian sector, newlyweds’ ages were not entered on the basis of their birth records until the late nineteenth century; such registration depended solely on the declaration of spouses or other interested parties, such as priests or local officials. Hence, according to Piasecki, these ages were sometimes understated or overstated.11

From 1831 to 1880, in the Galician villages near Rzeszów (southeastern Poland, the historical Austrian sector of Poland), the average age of grooms was slightly older than twenty-six and that of girls slightly older than twenty-two. During the second half of the nineteenth century, in the Lutheran rural parishes of Trzebosz and Jastrzębsko Stare in the Poznań province (inside the Prussian sector), the age of grooms was twenty-six and that of brides twenty-five and twenty-three, respectively. City dwellers married later than villagers, irrespective of religion. Villagers often had to face the responsibility of inheriting and running a farm when they were relatively young. City dwellers usually needed more time to learn a profession and become financially independent. In Poznań’s Lutheran parishes, such as Holy Cross and St. Peter, women became brides for the first time at the age of twenty-five and twenty-seven, respectively, and grooms at twenty-seven and twenty-eight, respectively. Brides and grooms from the Catholic parish of St. Mary Magdalene in Poznań married late, at twenty-six and twenty-eight, respectively. Lutherans and Catholics from the city of Toruń wed at similar ages.12

In our study, the average age at marriage became younger over time. Women from the first birth cohort married at nearly twenty-five, whereas those from the second one married at the age of 23.7 (see Table 1). This lowering of the age at first marriage among Poznań’s women was associated with an economic improvement that also occurred in the Catholic parish of Dziekanowice in Greater Poland, the Silesian Lutheran parish of Rząśnik, the Catholic parishes of Płużnica Wielka and Bujakow, and the Greater Poland Lutheran parish of Jastrzębsko Stare—all of them rural parishes. The age at matrimony also fell in cities of the Prussian sector. The Catholic parishes in the city of Toruń saw a drop from twenty-five to twenty-six years for females and twenty-seven to twenty-eight years for males between 1851 and 1860 to twenty-two to twenty-four for females and twenty-five to twenty-seven for males between 1901 and 1910. The same trend held in the Lutheran parishes of Toruń. According to Zielińska, the age at marriage increased in Toruń when economic conditions deteriorated and decreased when living conditions improved. In poorer Austrian and Russian sectors, the age of brides and grooms tended to increase over time. For example, during the 1840s, in the parish of Bejsce, it increased for grooms and brides from 21.8 and 20.5, respectively, to 25.3 and 22.2, respectively, between 1901 and 1910.13

Social status also influenced the age at marriage: Women from families with white-collar professionals married latest, at twenty-five, whereas those from the milieu of the workers and craftsmen married earliest (Table 1; differences are marginally significant; p=0.0511). The next step of the analysis is to examine whether a mother’s birth cohort influenced her average age at matrimony independently or in concert with other factors, such as husband’s ses and her religious denomination—in other words, to verify whether birth cohort significantly influenced the average age of a woman at matrimony when controlling for social status and religion.

manova shows that mothers’ birth cohort had no impact on average age at matrimony when religion was controlled, and husbands’ ses was irrelevant to the effect that birth cohort had on the average mother’s age at marriage (Table 2). Mothers’ birth cohort was a strong influence on age at marriage, independent of socioeconomic factors.

Table 2

Impact of Mothers’ Birth Cohort on Their Age at First Marriage, Controlling for Husbands’ ses and Mothers’ Religious Denomination

factorsssmsfp
Mothers’ birth cohort 130.0 130.0 7.51 0.0064* 
Husbands’ ses 105.0 52.5 3.03 0.0492* 
Mothers’ birth cohort and husbands’ ses 40.4 20.2 1.17 0.3128 
  
Mothers’ birth cohort 18.44 18.44 1.1013 0.3147 
Religion 0.41 0.41 0.023 0.8802 
Mothers’ birth cohort and religion 12.50 12.50 0.687 0.4075 
factorsssmsfp
Mothers’ birth cohort 130.0 130.0 7.51 0.0064* 
Husbands’ ses 105.0 52.5 3.03 0.0492* 
Mothers’ birth cohort and husbands’ ses 40.4 20.2 1.17 0.3128 
  
Mothers’ birth cohort 18.44 18.44 1.1013 0.3147 
Religion 0.41 0.41 0.023 0.8802 
Mothers’ birth cohort and religion 12.50 12.50 0.687 0.4075 
*

Statistically significant differences.

note In the manova test, ss is sum of squares; ms is mean square; and f is the value of the F-test.

During the second half of the nineteenth century, age at marriage in Poznań depended more on couples’ social status than their religion. Postponing the decision to marry stemmed from the need to complete professional training and become financially independent. Makowski states that during the first half of the nineteenth century in Poznań, high-ranking officials, merchants, and property owners married and started families later than workers. Craftsmen from the affluent parish of St. Mary Magdalene in Poznań married late because of their professional pursuits. But Catholics from the poor parish of St. Margaret also married late after gathering sufficient funds for a wedding and becoming financially independent.

Among Catholics and Protestants from Alsace, age at marriage was also shaped by occupational status, although the affluent married earlier than did the poor. The youngest brides were those who married professionals and farmers, regardless of religion—at the age of twenty-three and twenty-five, respectively. Those who married domestic servants and journaliers (daily workers) married latest, at twenty-six to twenty-seven.14

Knodel’s research confirms the same trend in villages of Baden, Württemberg, Bavaria, Waldeck, and East Friesland as in Alsace; “village leaders” married earlier than “non-leaders.” Men and women from leading families married at the age of 26.8 and 24.1, respectively, whereas the less privileged married at 28.7 and 26.2 years, respectively. Knodel reported that in Bavaria, day laborers and other unskilled workers married at thirty-three and thirty-four, respectively, and brides from the same occupational category at 33 and 30.7, respectively. The examples above, referring both to Poland and to Europe, show that age at marriage was regulated more by economics at that time than by the other factors.15

The age at marriage is important in the study of marital fertility because it determines the onset of regular sexual intercourse. Hence, differences in age at marriage by cohort and ses had a statistically significant impact on differences in the age of women giving birth to their first child (Table 3). In our research, the average age at first birth by mothers from the first birth cohort was 25.5; it lowered significantly to twenty-four years for women born since 1890. Women from families with white-collar professionals gave birth to their first child at 25.6, significantly later than did those from families of workers and craftsmen—24.9 and 24.3, respectively (Table 3). Mothers’ religious denomination by itself accounted for no differences in their ages at first birth (Table 3).

Table 3

Distribution of Mothers’ Age at First Birth according to Their Birth Cohort, Religious Denomination, and Husbands’ ses

mothers’ birth cohortaveragesdfp
Born ≤ 1889 25.46 4.77 14.1409 0.0001* 
Born ≥ 1890 24.09 4.10     
  
denominationaveragesdfp
Catholics 24.81 4.25 1.1313 0.2878 
Lutherans 25.28 4.64     
  
Husbands’ sesaveragesdfp
Workers 24.96 4.34 4.4514 0.0126* 
Craftsmen** 24.31 4.04     
White-collar professionals 25.63** 4.79     
mothers’ birth cohortaveragesdfp
Born ≤ 1889 25.46 4.77 14.1409 0.0001* 
Born ≥ 1890 24.09 4.10     
  
denominationaveragesdfp
Catholics 24.81 4.25 1.1313 0.2878 
Lutherans 25.28 4.64     
  
Husbands’ sesaveragesdfp
Workers 24.96 4.34 4.4514 0.0126* 
Craftsmen** 24.31 4.04     
White-collar professionals 25.63** 4.79     
*

Statistically significant differences in mothers’ age at first birth, tested by anova.

**

Statistically significant differences in mothers’ age at first birth between white-collar professionals and craftsmen in Tukey’s test (p=0.0327).

The next stage of the study is to ascertain whether mothers’ birth cohort influenced average age at first birth independently or in connection with husbands’ ses and mothers’ religious denomination. manova shows the effect of birth cohort on average age at first birth, independent of husbands’ ses, and the joint effect of birth cohort and ses on average age at first birth (Table 4). Both of these factors influenced age at first birth independently of each other and jointly: The adjusted means of age at first birth dropped from 25.40±0.49 years (first birth cohort) to 24.36±0.45 years (second birth cohort) in the workers’ group and from 26.82±0.51 (first birth cohort) to 23.70±0.61 years (second birth cohort) in the intelligentsia group (authors’ calculations).

Table 4

Impact of Mothers’ Birth Cohort on Their Age at First Birth, Controlling for Husbands’ ses and Mothers’ Religious Denomination

factorsssmsfp
Mothers’ birth cohort 347.6 347.6 19.31 0.0000* 
Husbands’ ses 114.0 57.0 3.17 0.0428* 
Mothers’ birth cohort and husband’s ses 115.8 57.9 3.22 0.0408* 
  
Mothers’ birth cohort 304.2 304.2 14.936 0.0001* 
Religion 55.5 55.5 2.725 0.0992 
Mothers’ birth cohort and religion 99.6 99.6 4.891 0.0273* 
factorsssmsfp
Mothers’ birth cohort 347.6 347.6 19.31 0.0000* 
Husbands’ ses 114.0 57.0 3.17 0.0428* 
Mothers’ birth cohort and husband’s ses 115.8 57.9 3.22 0.0408* 
  
Mothers’ birth cohort 304.2 304.2 14.936 0.0001* 
Religion 55.5 55.5 2.725 0.0992 
Mothers’ birth cohort and religion 99.6 99.6 4.891 0.0273* 
*

Statistically significant differences.

note In the manova test, ss is sum of squares; ms is mean square; and f is the value of the F-test.

manova also shows the effect of mothers’ birth cohort on their average age at first birth when their religious denomination was controlled, and the joint effect of religion and mothers’ birth cohort on their average age at the first birth (Table 4). The absence of differences in the age at marriage between Catholic and Lutheran women from Poznań translated into an absence of differences in the age at first birth. The groups did not differ in their “starting behavior.” In historical populations, a first child was usually born about a year after the wedding. In the Lutheran parish of Trzebosz, the average age when giving birth to a first child was twenty-five. In the Catholic parish of Krasne near Rzeszów, women gave birth to their first child at around twenty-two and in the Catholic parish of Bejsce, one year later. Married women in urban centers tended to bear their first child later than did those in villages, since they usually married later.

During the second half of the nineteenth century, women in the Lutheran parish of St. Peter in Poznań first gave birth at the average age of twenty-eight. The same was true in Catholic and Lutheran parishes from Toruń, where the average age of a woman at first birth was 25.9 and 25.6 years, respectively. In Poznań during the first half of the nineteenth century, German and Polish females also shared nearly the same average age at first birth—24.6 and 24.3 years, respectively—thus confirming our findings.16

In contrast, fertility rates were significantly lower for Lutherans than for Catholics in historical Western Europe, largely because Catholics entered their reproduction stage earlier than did Lutherans. According to Golde’s study, Catholic women gave birth to their first child earlier than did Lutheran women. Golde attributed this finding to the earlier age at which Catholics wed, which prolonged their effective reproduction period. But in Alsace, Catholics gave birth to their first children at twenty-seven, whereas Lutherans did so at twenty-five. Again, these differences resulted from the earlier marriage of Lutherans as compared to Catholics. In German villages of the Rhineland-Palatinate during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Lutherans and Catholics bore their first children at the age of 24.9 and 25.8, respectively. Meanwhile, in the German villages studied by Knodel—Kappel, Rust, Öschelbronn, Braunsen, Massenhausen, and Middles—the average age at first birth between 1700 and 1899 was around twenty-five, irrespective of religion.17

In Poznań at that time, religious denomination, as related to socioeconomic variables, affected fertility regardless of changes. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Poznań’s Catholics began to catch up with Protestants in education and cultural awareness. By the end of the nineteenth century, the level of education among Poznań’s inhabitants was higher than it had been in the early 1800s, translating into a much more conscious procreative strategy. During the late nineteenth century, in Poznań province, the advancing secularization of society diminished the importance of religious denomination in lifestyle choices, particularly in urban areas, such as the city of Poznań; ecclesiastical regulations, including those related to conscious birth regulation, became less formidable.18

The Changing Number of Children in Poznań Families

In the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, populations in Polish lands were characterized by high fertility potential: Total fertility rate (tfr) values ranged between 5 and 6. The differences in the number of children per woman depended on the size of the place of residence: Rural populations perpetuated the tradition of having a large family—hence, their higher reproductive potential than that of city dwellers. Research about fertility based on the reconstructed reproductive histories of women shows that in the rural parishes of Greater Poland, such as the Lutheran parish of Trzebosz and the Catholic parish of Czacz, as well as in the Catholic parishes of Krasne in Galicia and Bejsce in the Kingdom of Poland, woman’s average number of children at the end of their reproductive career was greater than six. In Poznań’s parish of St. Peter, the average number of children per woman and per woman with completed reproduction was significantly lower than in villages, 2.4 and 4.8, respectively.19

The high reproductive potential in Polish lands, regardless of religion, was not matched in Western Europe, where the family sizes of Catholics and Protestants were vastly different. In the Catholic and Protestant parishes of Baden-Württemberg from 1800 to 1965, the average number of offspring for a Catholic woman was 5.7 and for a Lutheran woman 4.1. In the same region, the number of children per each Catholic woman was twice that per each Protestant woman: For example, during the 1870s, each Catholic woman had 8.4 children and each Lutheran woman only 4.4. McQuillan found that in the villages of Alsace, the number of children per Catholic woman was 6.6 and the number per Lutheran woman 5.1. In the nineteenth-century Netherlands, Catholic women gave birth to 9 children. Kemkes-Grottenthaler focusing on eighteenth- and nineteenth-century German villages such as Dannstadt, Schauernheim, Hochdorf, and Assenheim showed that Protestant families had almost 2.7 children whereas Catholic ones had 4.8 children.20

The differences in the number of children resulted from the attitudes of the two churches to the issue of family size. The Catholic Church supported natural fertility regulation; Protestant churches did not interfere with marital matters concerning family size. The Protestant state church of Switzerland, for example, did not encroach on people’s private lives, attitudes toward adultery, sexual relations outside marriage, illegal cohabitation, or prenuptial pregnancies. In Switzerland’s Catholic regions, however, the Church had a decisive and powerful influence on lifestyle choices, including matters of procreation. In the so-called diaspora regions, Catholic attitudes toward family size and sexual life were mollified by the Protestants, or immigrants, who shared their neighborhoods. Head-König reports that Italian immigrants in Switzerland had a far greater knowledge about birth control than did the country’s indigenous people. Women often discussed such issues as birth control with colleagues at work. Despite this transfer of information concerning family planning, the number of children in Catholic families from 1878 to 1898 ranged from more than six to more than eight; in the Protestant communities of Geneva, it was 5.4.21

Our pilot research shows that during the second half of the nineteenth and at the beginning of the twentieth century, the number of children per family decreased in Poznań (Table 5). An average woman born before 1890 gave birth to almost four children, whereas the average woman born after 1890 bore 2.5 children. Differences in the number of offspring per woman conformed to religious denomination and social position. Lutheran women had an average of 2.9 children and Catholic women 3.5 children. Women married to white-collar professionals gave birth to 2.5 children on average, statistically fewer than did women married to workers and craftsmen (3.4 and 3.9 children, respectively; Table 5).

Table 5

Distribution of Individual Women’s Number of Offspring according to Their Birth Cohort, Religious Denomination, and Husbands’ ses

mothers’ birth cohortaveragesdfp
Born ≤ 1889 3.93 2.63 60.7467 0.0000* 
Born ≥ 1890 2.49 1.63     
  
denominationaveragesdfp
Catholics 3.53 2.52 6.6376 0.0102* 
Lutherans 2.94 1.89     
  
Husbands’ sesaveragesdfp
Workers 3.41 2.38 14.2881 0.0000* 
Craftsmen 3.86 2.67     
White-collar professionals 2.53 1.60     
mothers’ birth cohortaveragesdfp
Born ≤ 1889 3.93 2.63 60.7467 0.0000* 
Born ≥ 1890 2.49 1.63     
  
denominationaveragesdfp
Catholics 3.53 2.52 6.6376 0.0102* 
Lutherans 2.94 1.89     
  
Husbands’ sesaveragesdfp
Workers 3.41 2.38 14.2881 0.0000* 
Craftsmen 3.86 2.67     
White-collar professionals 2.53 1.60     
*

Statistically significant differences in the number of offspring per woman, tested by anova.

manova confirms the relationship of mothers’ birth cohort with husbands’ ses, both separately and jointly, on the average number of children, as well as the relationship of mothers’ birth cohort and their religion, both separately and jointly, on the average number of children (Table 6). In Poznań, the number of children in Catholic and Lutheran families and in those of workers, craftsmen, and the intelligentsia decreased over time, but differences in the number of children per family between social groups persisted.

Table 6

Impact of Mothers’ Birth Cohort on the Number of Offspring, Controlling for Husbands’ ses and Mother’s Religious Denomination

factorsssmsfp
Mothers’ birth cohort 228.18 228.18 44.4381 0.0000* 
Husbands’ ses 117.20 58.60 11.4124 0.0000* 
Mothers’ birth cohort and husbands’ ses 26.104 26.052 3.5419 0.0396* 
  
Mothers’ birth cohort 76.651 73.651 14.6500 0.0001* 
Religion 29.213 29.213 5.8109 0.0162* 
Mothers’ birth cohort and religion 21.485 21.485 4.276 0.0391* 
factorsssmsfp
Mothers’ birth cohort 228.18 228.18 44.4381 0.0000* 
Husbands’ ses 117.20 58.60 11.4124 0.0000* 
Mothers’ birth cohort and husbands’ ses 26.104 26.052 3.5419 0.0396* 
  
Mothers’ birth cohort 76.651 73.651 14.6500 0.0001* 
Religion 29.213 29.213 5.8109 0.0162* 
Mothers’ birth cohort and religion 21.485 21.485 4.276 0.0391* 
*

Statistically significant differences.

note In the manova test, ss is sum of squares; ms is mean square; and f is the value of the F-test.

Makowski reports that during the first half of the nineteenth century, the number of children in a Poznań family depended on social status: The intelligentsia had the fewest children, whereas workers and craftsmen had the most. By the end of the nineteenth century, Poznań residents used birth control more frequently than ever, regardless of their religious denomination and social position. However, planning the number of children in a family in advance was generally the domain of economically privileged social groups.22

A similar relationship between number of children and socioeconomic status was evident in the German villages that Gehrmann studied. In the Ortenau region, day laborers had 7 children, craftsmen 6.5, and farmers 5.4. Landless families and couples without a farm had 1.3 more children than did the families of farmers. These groups underwent a decrease in the number of children over time. Zielińska observed a decline in the fertility rate, as expressed by the number of children per woman, among Toruń inhabitants in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century: In Toruń’s Catholic parishes of the Holy Virgin Mary, St. John, and St. James, a married couple had from 4.3 to nearly 5 children in the late nineteenth century, dropping to a range of 2.5 to 2.7 children per couple during the first decade of the twentieth century. Zielińska also observed a decrease in the number of children per couple, from almost 5 to slightly more than 2, in the three Lutheran parishes of Old Town, New Town, and St. George in Toruń during the same period. Thus, does the population of Poznań fit within the trend of fertility decline characteristic of Europe in general at that time—associated with the third phase of demographic transition.23

Fertility Trends in Prussia and the Prussian Sector

Fertility has been on the decline since the 1870s in the cities of Prussia and the Prussian sector. For example, in 1875 the marital fertility index Ig in Prussian cities reached 0.927; thirty-five years later, it decreased to 0.22. In Gdańsk, Poznań, Legnica, and Bydgoszcz, the Ig value in 1875 was slightly higher than 0.7, which indicated birth control to be still unlikely. In 1910, this indicator fell to slightly above 0.5 in Poznań and Gdańsk, slightly above 0.4 in Legnica, Bydgoszcz, and Wrocław, and 0.3 in Szczecin. Schellekens and van Poppel reported a sharp decline in the value of the Ig index as a criterion of marital transition in The Hague during the 1880s, from higher than 0.8 to 0.5, indicating controlled fertility in the late nineteenth century. St. Petersburg’s Ig value of 0.67 in 1870, as opposed to 0.5 in 1897, confirms the use of birth control. In McQuillan’s study of Alsace, the Ig index greater than 0.8 for the nineteenth-century Catholic populations, compared to the 0.5 reading for the Lutheran communities during the same period, shows that Catholics in Alsace adhered to natural fertility rather than birth-control methods. As mentioned earlier, the Catholic Church treated contraception as a sin.24

The decline in fertility rates in cities during the last decades of the nineteenth century also finds confirmation in the General Marital Fertility Rate (gmfr). In 1875, the gmfr values for fifty-four cities of Prussia and the Prussian sector of Poland sometimes even exceeded 350 births per 1,000 married women aged fifteen to forty-nine—as in Bochum’s 370 births per 1,000; in 1910, the gmfr values fell to slightly higher than 100—as in Berlin’s 111 births per 1,000. The gmfrs for Poznań in 1875 and 1910 were 280.9 and 229.6 births per 1,000 married women aged fifteen to forty-nine, respectively.25

The Length of Birth Intervals (Spacing Behavior)

In Poznań during the second half of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, the average first-birth interval was 24.93 months (authors’ calculations), slightly shorter than the 27 months recorded for Poznań women during the first half of the nineteenth century. The average inter-birth intervals in their order ranged between 24 to more than 30 months (authors’ calculations), prolonging with age. The fact that anova does not show any differences in the lengths of birth intervals depending on religion, social status, or mother’s birth cohort means roughly similar spacing behavior on each count (Figures 24). In rural populations, the average length of the intergenic interval was longer than thirty months, regardless of religion. The average length of intervals between births in the Lutheran and Catholic parishes from Toruń from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries also ranged from twenty-five to thirty months. Zielińska discovered no difference in such length between Protestants and Catholics. The average birth interval in Poznań’s Lutheran parish of St. Peter lasted 27.7 months, which is within the limits of variability for this fertility characteristic.26

Fig. 2

Length of Protogenetic (0) and Successive Intergenetic Intervals (in Months) by Mothers’ Religious Denomination

Fig. 2

Length of Protogenetic (0) and Successive Intergenetic Intervals (in Months) by Mothers’ Religious Denomination

Fig. 3

Length of Protogenetic (0) and Successive Intergenetic Intervals (in Months) by Mothers’ Birth Cohort

Fig. 3

Length of Protogenetic (0) and Successive Intergenetic Intervals (in Months) by Mothers’ Birth Cohort

Fig. 4

Length of Protogenetic (0) and Successive Intergenetic Intervals (in Months) by Husbands’ ses

Fig. 4

Length of Protogenetic (0) and Successive Intergenetic Intervals (in Months) by Husbands’ ses

In Alsace, the protogenetic interval was shorter for Catholics than for Lutherans, thirteen to fourteen months and fifteen to eighteen months, respectively. The subsequent birth intervals were shorter for Catholics than for Lutherans. Gehrmann observed shorter birth intervals for Catholics than for Protestants in the Ortenau region. In general, shorter intergenetic intervals are linked to more frequent childbirths and eventually to more children in the family, as mentioned above.27

Stopping Behavior and the Period of Procreative Activity

The information about age at the last childbirth provides us with data about stopping behavior, the ceasing of childbearing after achieving a desired family size. Moreover, the information about age at birth of the first and last child for women with completed reproduction allows us to estimate how much of their reproductive period was allotted to procreation. Until 1848, Poznań women bore their last child at the age of 36.5, thus devoting 36 percent of their reproductive capacity to procreation. During the second half of the nineteenth and the early twentieth century in the Toruń parishes mentioned above, the average age of a woman giving birth to her last child was thirty-five to thirty-six years; it declined thereafter. In the Lutheran parish of St. Peter in Poznań, women devoted eleven years to reproductive functions, 32 percent of their total reproductive capacity, which lasted thirty-four years (conventionally between ages fifteen and forty-nine). In the villages of historical Poland, women gave much more time to reproductive capacity than did those in the cities, usually more than 40 percent of it.28

The data obtained from domicile files of Poznań residents enable a calculation of the average age of women at the birth of their last child and the number of years within the thirty-four of their total reproductive period devoted to procreation. This issue will be the subject of a further analysis in a subsequent study based on a larger database that includes Jewish populations.

In the first half of the nineteenth century, the average Poznań family was characterized primarily by the low average age of its members. In most families, parents were fifteen to twenty-nine years of age because of high mortality rates and a massive inflow of young people to Poznań, mostly from rural areas, looking to improve their financial situation. The average Poznań family also tended to be large, though the percentage of multigenerational families was low. Makowski reports that in the first half of the nineteenth century, the number of children in a Poznań family depended on the social status, nationality, and religion of the parents.29

Our research shows that the number of children per family in Poznań decreased over time. At the end of the nineteenth and in the early twentieth century, the average number of children that women by the end of their reproduction period bore was 2.8, or half of what it was in the early nineteenth century. The tendency for the number of children in a Poznań family to decrease, especially in the late nineteenth century and in the early twentieth, could have resulted from the gradual introduction of birth-control methods, especially in the upper and middle classes.30

In Poznań the age at giving birth to a first child declined over time likely because of the improved economic situation there in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The fertility characteristics of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Poznań incorporate the city into the modernization, improvements in life style, and general increase in awareness associated with the demographic transition. Our pilot studies show that fertility in Poznań at the time was determined by the interaction of many socioeconomic factors.

Furthermore, many of Poznań’s Lutherans adopted Catholic traditions, including reproductive strategies and family models. Such acculturation was evident in Lutheran–Catholic marriages, which accounted for about 30 percent of those in Poznań between 1875 and 1905. Likewise, Catholics often accepted information about methods of birth control, family planning, lifestyle, etc., from Protestants and immigrants. As Head-König pointed out, immigrants in the cantons of Switzerland at the time not only adopted local customs but also spread their knowledge about the regulation of fertility and family size.31

Notes

1 

Stanisław Borowski, “Procesy demograficzne w mikroregionie Czacz w latach 1598–1975,” Przeszłość Demograficzna Polski, IX (1976), 95–191; idem, “Prawdopodobieństwo powiększania rodziny w mikroregionie Czacz od XVII do XX wieku,” ibid., X (1978), 135–155; Edmund Piasecki, Ludność parafii bejskiej (woj. kieleckie) w świetle ksiąg metrykalnych z XVIII–XX w. Studium demograficzne (Warsaw, 1990).

2 

Krzysztof Makowski, Rodzina poznańska w I połowie XIX wieku (Poznań, 1992); Maciej Henneberg, “Ocena dynamiki biologicznej wielkopolskiej dziewiętnastowiecznej populacji wiejskiej. II. System kojarzeń i płodność,” Przegląd Antropologiczny, XLIII (1977), 245–272; Elżbieta Anna Puch, “Dynamika biologiczna polskich społeczności wiejskich z różnych systemów społeczno-kulturowych w XVIII i XIX wieku,” Przegląd Antropologiczny, V (1993), 5–36; Liczbińska, “Fertility and Family Structure in the Lutheran Population of the Parish of Trzebosz in the Second Half of the 19th Century and the Beginning of the 20th Century,” History of the Family, XVII (2012), 142–156; idem and Ewa Nowak, “Reproductive Behaviour in the Lutheran Urban Family from Historical Poland (the Parish of St. Peter from Poznań, the Second Half of the 19th Century),” ibid., XX (2015), 122–140.

3 

Mieczysław Kędelski, Rozwój demograficzny Poznania w XVIII i na początku XIX wieku (Poznań, 1992).

4 

Kędelski, Rozwój demograficzny Poznania; Liczbińska, “Infant and Child Mortality among Catholics and Lutherans in Nineteenth Century Poznań,” Journal of Biosocial Science, XLI (2009), 661–683; idem, Umieralność i jej uwarunkowania wśród katolickiej i ewangelickiej ludności historycznego Poznania (Poznań, 2009); Makowski, Rodzina poznańska; Lech Trzeciakowski, “Polacy i Niemcy w życiu codziennym w Poznaniu w XIX wieku,” Kronika Miasta Poznania, I–II (1992), 7–18.

5 

Teresa Dohnalowa, “Handel, transport, komunikacja,” in Jerzy Topolski and Lech Trzeciakowski (eds.), Dzieje Poznania (Warsaw, 1994), II, 183–220; Czesław Łuczak, Życie gospodarczo-społeczne w Poznaniu 1815–1918 (Poznań, 1965).

6 

Kędelski, Rozwój demograficzny Poznania; Liczbińska, Umieralność i jej uwarunkowania; Trzeciakowski, “Polacy i Niemcy w życiu codziennym”; Maria Trzeciakowska and Lech Trzeciakowski, W dziewiętnastowiecznym Poznaniu (Poznań, 1987); Łuczak, Życie gospodarczo-społeczne.

7 

Łuczak, Życie gospodarczo-społeczne; Witold Molik, “Inteligencja polska w dziewiętnastowiecznym Poznaniu: Liczebność i struktura zawodowa,” Kronika Miasta Poznania, II (1998), 9–33; idem, “Polscy lekarze w dziewiętnastowiecznym Poznaniu: Portret demograficzno -społeczny grupy,” ibid., 1 (2001), 86–97.

8 

The authors discussed the material in this section in a lecture given for the Historical Commission of the Poznań Society of Friends of Science, Poznań, December 2016. Deposited in the State Archives in Poznań, the domicile files (cards) included in the Municipal Records of Poznań were scanned from 2011 to 2015 within the project “Culture +,” available at http://szukajwarchiwach.pl. The staff of the State Archives in Poznań published an alphabetical index of more than a million surnames (from Abakanowicz to Wolkow) at www.e-kartoteka.net. Preußische Gesetzsammlung 1850, § 5, 6, and 11, 265; August Meitzen, “Das polizeiliche Meldewesen in Preussen,” Zeitschrift des Königlich Preussischen Statistischen Bureaus, XIV (1874), 81–92; Dz.U. No 32, Position No 309 [Journal of Laws No 32, Item 309]; Mieczysław Widernik, “Kartoteka ewidencji ludności miasta Gdyni jako źródło informacji historycznych,” Zeszyty Naukowe Wydziału Humanistycznego Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego: Historia, IX (1979), 14–17.

9 

The issues covered within this section were presented in the form of a poster at the 4th International Conference on Research and Education, Poznań, April 2017. Ariane Kemkes-Grottenthaler, “God, Faith and Death: The Impact of Biological and Religious Correlates on Mortality,” Human Biology, LXXV (2003), 897–915; John E. Knodel, Demographic Behavior in the Past: A Study of Fourteen German Village Population in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (New York, 1988); Kevin McQuillan, Culture, Religion, and Demographic Behaviour: Catholics and Lutherans in Alsace, 1750–1970 (Montreal, 1999); Emilia Brodnicka, “Ludność parafii Wieleń nad Notecią,” Przeszłość Demograficzna Polski, III (1969), 179–202; Danuta Daszkiewicz-Ordyłowska, “Śluby w parafii toszeckiej w latach 1789–1877,” Śląskie Studia Demograficzne, CXVII (1995), 47–67; Jerzy Spychała, “Śluby w parafii Strzelce Opolskie w latach 1766–1870,” ibid., 7–44; Günter Golde, Catholics and Protestants: Agricultural Modernization in Two German Villages (London, 1975); Liczbińska, “Fertility and Family Structure”; Anne-Lise Head-Kȍnig, “Religion Mattered: Religious Differences in Switzerland and Their Impact on Demographic Behaviour (End of the 18th Century to the Middle of the 20th Century),” Historical Social Research, XLII (2017), 23–58.

10 

Golde, Catholics and Protestants; Head-Kȍnig, “Religion Mattered”; McQuillan, Culture, Religion, and Demographic Behaviour; Rolf Gehrmann, “Denomination and Number of Children: The Case of Rural Baden, 18th/19th Century,” Historical Social Research, XLII (2017), 92–113; Knodel, Demographic Behavior in the Past; Levente Pakot and Peter Öri, “Marriage Systems and Remarriage in 19th Century Hungary: A Comparative Study,” History of the Family, XVII (2012), 105–124.

11 

Liczbińska, Lutherans in the Poznań Province: Biological Dynamics of the Lutheran Population in the 19th and Early 20th Centuries (Hamburg, 2015); Kazimierz Orzechowski, “Prawo cywilne,” in Juliusz Bardach and Monika Senkowska-Gluck (eds.), Historia państwa i prawa Polski. III. Od rozbiorów do uwłaszczenia (Warsaw, 1981); Piasecki, Ludność parafii bejskiej.

12 

Sabina Rejman, Ludność podmiejska Rzeszowa w latach 1784–1880: Studium demograficzno-historyczne (Rzeszów, 2006); Liczbińska, “Fertility and Family Structure”; idem, Lutherans in the Poznań Province; Brodnicka, “Ludność parafii Wieleń nad Notecią”; Daszkiewicz-Ordyłowska, “Śluby w parafii toszeckiej”; Spychała, “Śluby w parafii Strzelce Opolskie”; Anna Warach, “Wiek zawierania małżeństw wśród ubogich i zamożnych katolików z XIX-wiecznego Poznania,” Poznański Rocznik Archiwalno-Historyczny, XVI (2013), 111–124; Liczbińska and Nowak, “Reproductive Behaviour”; Agnieszka Zielińska, Przemiany struktur demograficznych w Toruniu w XIX i na początku XX wieku (Toruń, 2012).

13 

Maciej Domżol, “Ocena stanu puli genów na podstawie analizy odległości małżeńskich w populacjach wiejskich z mikroregionu Ostrowa Lednickiego na przełomie XIX i XX wieku,” Studia Lednickie, VI (2002), 127–141; Liczbińska, Lutherans in the Poznań Province; Warach, “Wiek zawierania małżeństw; Krystyna Górna, “Analiza demograficzna metryk dolnośląskiej parafii Rząśnik z lat 1794–1874,” Przeszłość Demograficzna Polski, XVII (1987), 185–205; Puch, “Dynamika biologiczna”; Mikołaj Szołtysek, “Central European Household and Family Systems, and the ‘Hajnal-Mitterauer’ Line: The Parish of Bujakow (18th–19th Centuries),” History of the Family, XII (2007), 19–42; Zielińska, Przemiany struktur demograficznych; Piasecki, Ludność parafii bejskiej; Rejman, Ludność podmiejska Rzeszowa.

14 

Makowski, Rodzina poznańska; Rejman, Ludność podmiejska Rzeszowa; Brodnicka, “Ludność parafii Wieleń nad Notecią”; Daszkiewicz-Ordyłowska, “Śluby w parafii toszeckiej”; Warach, “Wiek zawierania małżeństw”; McQuillan, Culture, Religion, and Demographic Behaviour.

15 

Knodel, Demographic Behavior in the Past.

16 

Liczbińska, “Fertility and Family Structure”; Rejman, Ludność podmiejska Rzeszowa; Piasecki, Ludność parafii Bejsce; Liczbińska and Nowak, “Reproductive Behaviour”; Zielińska, Przemiany struktur demograficznych; Makowski, Rodzina poznańska.

17 

Golde, Catholics and Protestants; Head-Kȍnig, “Religion Mattered: Religious Differences”; Kemkes-Grottenthaler, “God, Faith and Death”; Knodel, Demographic Behavior in the Past; Liczbińska, “Fertility and Family Structure”; McQuillan, Culture, Religion, and Demographic Behaviour.

18 

Liczbińska, Lutherans in the Poznań Province; Olgierd Kiec, Protestantyzm w Poznańskiem 1815–1918 (Warsaw, 2001).

19 

Liczbińska, “Fertility and Family Structure”; idem, “Fertility Patterns and Reproductive Behaviours in the Lutheran and Catholic Populations from Historical Poland,” Advances in Anthropology, III (2013), 149–156; Piasecki, Ludność parafii bejskiej; Rejman, Ludność podmiejska Rzeszowa; Arakadiusz Wrębiak, “Zjawiska biodemograficzne i stan biologiczny XIX-wiecznego Bielskiego Syjonu,” unpub. Ph.D. diss. (Univ. of Kraków, 2011); Zielińska, Przemiany struktur demograficznych; Borowski, “Procesy demograficzne”; Piasecki, Ludność parafii Bejsce; Liczbińska and Nowak, “Reproductive Behaviour.”

20 

Authors’ calculations of the average number of offspring in the Catholic and Protestant parishes of Baden-Württemberg are based on Golde, Catholics and Protestants. McQuillan, Culture, Religion, and Demographic Behaviour; Angelo Somers and Frans van Poppel, “Catholic Priests and the Fertility Transition among Dutch Catholics, 1935–1970,” Annales de Démographie Historique, II (2003), 57–88; Kemkes-Grottenthaler, “God, Faith and Death.”

21 

Marvin R. O’Connell, “The Roman Catholic Traditions since 1545,” in Ronald L. Numbers and Darrel W. Amundsen (eds.), Caring and Curing: Health and Medicine in the Western Religious Traditions (New York, 1986), 108–145; Head-Kȍnig, “Religion Mattered.”

22 

Makowski, Rodzina poznańska; Kędelski, Stosunki ludnościowe; Liczbińska, Lutherans in the Poznań Province.

23 

Gehrmann, “Evolution in the Number of Births”; Zielińska, Przemiany struktur demograficznych.

24 

The index of marital fertility (Ig) is the ratio of the number of births by married women to the number of births by the same women at the same level of age-specific fertility as married Hutterite women. It is calculated according to the formula: Ig = BLnmxnFx, where BL is the annual number of legitimate births, nmx is the number of married women in each interval, and nFx is the age-specific marital fertility rate of Hutterite women. See Ashley Coale and Susan Cotts Watkins, The Decline of Fertility in Europe (Princeton, 1986); Patric R. Galloway, Ronald D. Lee, and Eugene A. Hammel, “Urban versus Rural: Fertility Decline in the Cities and Rural Districts of Prussia, 1875 to 1910,” European Journal of Population, XIV (1998), 209–264; Jona Schellekens and van Poppel, “Religious Differentials in Marital Fertility in The Hague (Netherlands) 1860–1909,” Population Studies, LX (2006), 23–38; Charles Wetherell and Andrejs Plakans, “Fertility and Culture in Eastern Europe: A Case of Study of Riga, Latvia, 1867–1881,” European Journal of Population, XIII (1997), 243–268; McQuillan, Culture, Religion, and Demographic Behaviour; O’Connell, Roman Catholic Traditions; Frederik van Heek, “Roman Catholicism and Fertility in the Netherlands,” Population Studies, X (1956), 125–138.

25 

The calculation of the General Marital Fertility Rate (gmfr) is legitimate births × 1,000 / married female populations aged fifteen to forty-nine. Galloway et al., “Urban versus Rural.”

26 

Makowski, Rodzina poznańska; Daszkiewicz-Ordyłowska, “Śluby w parafii toszeckiej”; Liczbińska, “Fertility and Family Structure”; Piasecki, Ludność parafii Bejsce; Rejman, Ludność podmiejska Rzeszowa; Spychała, “Śluby w parafii Strzelce”; Zielińska, Przemiany struktur demograficznych. Authors’ calculation of the average birth interval in Poznań’s Lutheran parish of St. Peter is based on Liczbińska and Nowak, “Reproductive behavior”; Liczbińska, Lutherans in the Poznań Province.

27 

McQuillan, Culture, Religion, and Demographic Behaviour; Gehrmann, “Evolution in the Number of Births.”

28 

Authors’ calculations of Poznań’s women’s reproductive capacity are based on Makowski, Rodzina poznańska. Zielińska, Przemiany struktur demograficznych; Liczbińska and Nowak, “Reproductive Behaviour”; Liczbińska, “Fertility and Family Structure”; idem, “Fertility Patterns and Reproductive Behaviours”; Piasecki, Ludność parafii bejskiej; Rejman, Ludność podmiejska Rzeszowa.

29 

Makowski, Rodzina poznańska.

30 

Kędelski, Rozwój demograficzny Poznania.

31 

Liczbińska, “Fertility and Family Structure”; idem, Lutherans in the Poznań Province; Head-Kȍnig, “Religion Mattered.”

Author notes

The authors thank the anonymous reviewer for helpful and valuable remarks and advice.