When a single tactile stimulus is presented together with two tones, participants often report perceiving two touches. It is a matter of debate whether this cross-modal effect of audition on touch reflects the interplay between modalities at early perceptual or at later processing stages, and which brain processes determine what in the end is consciously perceived. Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded while rare single tactile stimuli accompanied by two tones (1T2A) were presented among frequent tactile double stimuli accompanied by two tones (2T2A). Although participants were instructed to ignore the tones and to respond to single tactile stimuli only, they often failed to respond to 1T2A stimuli (“illusory double touches,” 1T2A(i)). ERPs to “illusory double touches” versus “real double touches” (2T2A) differed 50 msec after the (missing) second touch. This suggests that at an early sensory stage, illusory and real touches are processed differently. On the other hand, although similar stimuli elicited a tactile mismatch negativity (MMN) between 100 and 200 msec in a unisensory tactile experiment, no MMN was observed for the 1T2A(i) stimuli in the multisensory experiment. “Tactile awareness” was associated with a negativity at 250 msec, which was enhanced in response to correctly identified deviants as compared to physically identical deviants that elicited an illusion. Thus, auditory stimuli seem to alter neural mechanisms associated with automatic tactile deviant detection. The present findings contribute to the debate of which processing step in the brain determines what is consciously perceived.

In a sentence–picture verification paradigm, participants were presented in a rapid-serial-visual-presentation paradigm with affirmative or negative sentences (e.g., “In the front of the tower there is a/no ghost”) followed by a matching or mismatching picture. Response latencies and event-related potentials (ERPs) were measured during reading and verification. An enhanced negative shift in the ERPs for the subject noun (i.e., “ghost”) in negative, compared to affirmative sentences, was found during reading. We relate this ERP deflection to enhanced processing demands required by the negative particle no . Although this effect suggests a direct impact of negation on language processing, results for picture processing reveal that negation is not immediately integrated into sentence meaning. When the delay of picture presentation was short (250 msec), verification latencies and ERPs evoked by the picture showed a priming effect independent of whether the sentence contained a negation. Unprimed pictures (foreground object not mentioned in the sentence) led to longer latencies and higher N400 amplitudes than primed pictures (foreground object mentioned in the sentence). Main effects of negation showed up only in a late positive-going ERP effect. In contrast, when the delay was long (1500 msec), we observed main effects of truth value and negation in addition to the priming effect already in the N400 time window, that is, negation is fully integrated into sentence meaning only at a later point in the comprehension process. When negation has not yet been integrated, verification decisions appear to be modulated by additional time-consuming reanalysis processes.

It is still a matter of debate whether initial analysis of speech is independent of contextual influences or whether meaning can modulate word activation directly. Utilizing event-related brain potentials (ERPs), we tested the neural correlates of speech recognition by presenting sentences that ended with incomplete words, such as To light up the dark she needed her can- . Immediately following the incomplete words, subjects saw visual words that (i) matched form and meaning, such as candle ; (ii) matched meaning but not form, such as lantern ; (iii) matched form but not meaning, such as candy ; or (iv) mismatched form and meaning, such as number . We report ERP evidence for two distinct cohorts of lexical tokens: (a) a left-lateralized effect, the P250, differentiates form-matching words (i, iii) and form-mismatching words (ii, iv); (b) a right-lateralized effect, the P220, differentiates words that match in form and/or meaning (i, ii, iii) from mismatching words (iv). Lastly, fully matching words (i) reduce the amplitude of the N400. These results accommodate bottom-up and top-down accounts of human speech recognition. They suggest that neural representations of form and meaning are activated independently early on and are integrated at a later stage during sentence comprehension.

Behavioral evidence suggests that spoken word recognition involves the temporary activation of multiple entries in a listener's mental lexicon. This phenomenon can be demonstrated in cross-modal word fragment priming (CMWP). In CMWP, an auditory word fragment (prime) is immediately followed by a visual word or pseudoword (target). Experiment 1 investigated ERPs for targets presented in this paradigm. Half of the targets were congruent with the prime (e.g., in the prime-target pair: AM-AMBOSS [anvil]), half were not (e.g., AM-PENSUM [pensum]). Lexical entries of the congruent targets should receive activation from the prime. Thus, lexical identification of these targets should be facilitated. An ERP effect named P350, two frontal negative ERP deflections, and the N400 were sensitive to prime-target congruency. In Experiment 2, the relation of the formerly observed ERP effects to processes in a modality-independent mental lexicon was investigated by presenting primes visually. Only the P350 effect could be replicated across different fragment lengths. Therefore, the P350 is discussed as a correlate of lexical identification in a modality-independent mental lexicon.