Electrophysiological methods have been used to study the temporal sequence of syntactic and semantic processing during sentence comprehension. Two responses associated with syntactic violations are the left anterior negativity (LAN) and the P600. A response to semantic violation is the N400. Although the sources of the N400 response have been identified in the left (and right) temporal lobe, the neural signatures of the LAN and P600 have not been revealed. The present study used magnetoencephalography to localize sources of syntactic and semantic activation in Finnish sentence reading. Participants were presented with sentences that ended in normally inf lected nouns, nouns in an unacceptable case, verbs instead of nouns, or nouns that were correctly inflected but made no sense in the context. Around 400 msec, semantically anomalous last words evoked strong activation in the left superior temporal lobe with significant activation also for word class errors (N400). Weaker activation was seen for the semantic errors in the right hemisphere. Later, 600-800 msec after word onset, the strongest activation was seen to word class and morphosyntactic errors (P600). Activation was significantly weaker to semantically anomalous and correct words. The P600 syntactic activation was localized to bilateral sources in the temporal lobe, posterior to the N400 sources. The results suggest that the same general region of the superior temporal cortex gives rise to both LAN and N400 with bilateral reactivity to semantic manipulation and a left hemisphere effect to syntactic manipulation. The bilateral P600 response was sensitive to syntactic but not semantic factors.

The combined temporal and spatial resolution of MEG (magnetoencephalography) was used to study whether the same brain areas are similarly engaged in reading comprehension in normal and developmentally dyslexic adults. To extract a semantically sensitive stage of brain activation we manipulated the appropriateness of sentence-ending words to the preceding sentence context. Sentences, presented visually one word at a time, either ended with a word that was (1) expected, (2) semantically appropriate but unexpected, (3) semantically anomalous but sharing the initial letters with the expected word, or (4) both semantically and orthographically inappropriate to the sentence context. In both subject groups all but the highly expected sentence endings evoked strong cortical responses, localized most consistently in the left superior temporal cortex, although additional sources were occasionally found in more posterior parietal and temporal areas and in the right hemisphere. Thus, no significant differences were found in the spatial distribution of brain areas involved in semantic processing between fluent and dyslexic readers. However, both timing and strength of activation clearly differed between the two groups. First, activation sensitivity to word meaning within a sentence context began about 100 msec later in dyslexic than in control subjects. This is likely to result from affected presemantic processing stages in dyslexic readers. Second, the neural responses were significantly weaker in dyslexic than in control subjects, indicating involvement of a smaller or less-synchronous neural population in reading comprehension. Third, in contrast to control subjects, the dyslexic readers showed significantly weaker activation to semantically inappropriate words that began with the same letters as the most expected word than to both orthographically and semantically inappropriate sentence-ending words. Thus, word recognition by the dyslexic group seemed to be qualitatively different: Whereas control subjects perceived words as wholes, dyslexic subjects may have relied on sublexical word recognition and occasionally mistook a correctly beginning word for the one they had expected.