In the absence of sensory information, we can generate meaningful images and sounds from representations in memory. However, it remains unclear which neural systems underpin this process and whether tasks requiring the top–down generation of different kinds of features recruit similar or different neural networks. We asked people to internally generate the visual and auditory features of objects, either in isolation (car, dog) or in specific and complex meaning-based contexts (car/dog race). Using an fMRI decoding approach, in conjunction with functional connectivity analysis, we examined the role of auditory/visual cortex and transmodal brain regions. Conceptual retrieval in the absence of external input recruited sensory and transmodal cortex. The response in transmodal regions—including anterior middle temporal gyrus—was of equal magnitude for visual and auditory features yet nevertheless captured modality information in the pattern of response across voxels. In contrast, sensory regions showed greater activation for modality-relevant features in imagination (even when external inputs did not differ). These data are consistent with the view that transmodal regions support internally generated experiences and that they play a role in integrating perceptual features encoded in memory.

Several accounts of speech perception propose that the areas involved in producing language are also involved in perceiving it. In line with this view, neuroimaging studies show activation of premotor cortex (PMC) during phoneme judgment tasks; however, there is debate about whether speech perception necessarily involves motor processes, across all task contexts, or whether the contribution of PMC is restricted to tasks requiring explicit phoneme awareness. Some aspects of speech processing, such as mapping sounds onto meaning, may proceed without the involvement of motor speech areas if PMC specifically contributes to the manipulation and categorical perception of phonemes. We applied TMS to three sites—PMC, posterior superior temporal gyrus, and occipital pole—and for the first time within the TMS literature, directly contrasted two speech perception tasks that required explicit phoneme decisions and mapping of speech sounds onto semantic categories, respectively. TMS to PMC disrupted explicit phonological judgments but not access to meaning for the same speech stimuli. TMS to two further sites confirmed that this pattern was site specific and did not reflect a generic difference in the susceptibility of our experimental tasks to TMS: stimulation of pSTG, a site involved in auditory processing, disrupted performance in both language tasks, whereas stimulation of occipital pole had no effect on performance in either task. These findings demonstrate that, although PMC is important for explicit phonological judgments, crucially, PMC is not necessary for mapping speech onto meanings.

Semantic cognition requires a combination of semantic representations and executive control processes to direct activation in a task- and time-appropriate fashion [Jefferies, E., & Lambon Ralph, M. A. Semantic impairment in stroke aphasia versus semantic dementia: A case-series comparison. Brain, 129, 2132–2147, 2006]. We undertook a formal meta-analysis to investigate which regions within the large-scale semantic network are specifically associated with the executive component of semantic cognition. Previous studies have described in detail the role of left ventral pFC in semantic regulation. We examined 53 studies that contrasted semantic tasks with high > low executive requirements to determine whether cortical regions beyond the left pFC show the same response profile to executive semantic demands. Our findings revealed that right pFC, posterior middle temporal gyrus (pMTG) and dorsal angular gyrus (bordering intraparietal sulcus) were also consistently recruited by executively demanding semantic tasks, demonstrating patterns of activation that were highly similar to the left ventral pFC. These regions overlap with the lesions in aphasic patients who exhibit multimodal semantic impairment because of impaired regulatory control (semantic aphasia)—providing important convergence between functional neuroimaging and neuropsychological studies of semantic cognition. Activation in dorsal angular gyrus and left ventral pFC was consistent across all types of executive semantic manipulation, regardless of whether the task was receptive or expressive, whereas pMTG activation was only observed for manipulation of control demands within receptive tasks. Second, we contrasted executively demanding tasks tapping semantics and phonology. Our findings revealed substantial overlap between the two sets of contrasts within left ventral pFC, suggesting this region underpins domain-general control mechanisms. In contrast, we observed relative specialization for semantic control within pMTG as well as the most ventral aspects of left pFC (BA 47), consistent with our proposal of a distributed network underpinning semantic control.

Most contemporary theories of semantic memory assume that concepts are formed from the distillation of information arising in distinct sensory and verbal modalities. The neural basis of this distillation or convergence of information was the focus of this study. Specifically, we explored two commonly posed hypotheses: (a) that the human middle temporal gyrus (MTG) provides a crucial semantic interface given the fact that it interposes auditory and visual processing streams and (b) that the anterior temporal region—especially its ventral surface (vATL)—provides a critical region for the multimodal integration of information. By utilizing distortion-corrected fMRI and an established semantic association assessment (commonly used in neuropsychological investigations), we compared the activation patterns observed for both the verbal and nonverbal versions of the same task. The results are consistent with the two hypotheses simultaneously: Both MTG and vATL are activated in common for word and picture semantic processing. Additional planned, ROI analyses show that this result follows from two principal axes of convergence in the temporal lobe: both lateral (toward MTG) and longitudinal (toward the anterior temporal lobe).

Aphasic patients with multimodal semantic impairment following pFC or temporo-parietal (TP) cortex damage (semantic aphasia [SA]) have deficits characterized by poor control of semantic activation/retrieval, as opposed to loss of semantic knowledge per se. In line with this, SA patients show “refractory effects”; that is, declining accuracy in cyclical word–picture matching tasks when semantically related sets are presented rapidly and repeatedly. This is argued to follow a build-up of competition between targets and distractors. However, the link between poor semantic control and refractory effects is still controversial for two reasons. (1) Some theories propose that refractory effects are specific to verbal or auditory tasks, yet SA patients show poor control over semantic processing in both word and picture semantic tasks. (2) SA can result from lesions to either the left pFC or TP cortex, yet previous work suggests that refractory effects are specifically linked to the left inferior frontal cortex. For the first time, verbal, visual, and nonverbal auditory refractory effects were explored in nine SA patients who had pFC (pFC+) or TP cortex (TP-only) lesions. In all modalities, patient accuracy declined significantly over repetitions. This refractory effect at the group level was driven by pFC+ patients and was not shown by individuals with TP-only lesions. These findings support the theory that SA patients have reduced control over multimodal semantic retrieval and, additionally, suggest there may be functional specialization within the posterior versus pFC elements of the semantic control network.

To understand the meanings of words and objects, we need to have knowledge about these items themselves plus executive mechanisms that compute and manipulate semantic information in a task-appropriate way. The neural basis for semantic control remains controversial. Neuroimaging studies have focused on the role of the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG), whereas neuropsychological research suggests that damage to a widely distributed network elicits impairments of semantic control. There is also debate about the relationship between semantic and executive control more widely. We used TMS in healthy human volunteers to create “virtual lesions” in structures typically damaged in patients with semantic control deficits: LIFG, left posterior middle temporal gyrus (pMTG), and intraparietal sulcus (IPS). The influence of TMS on tasks varying in semantic and nonsemantic control demands was examined for each region within this hypothesized network to gain insights into (i) their functional specialization (i.e., involvement in semantic representation, controlled retrieval, or selection) and (ii) their domain dependence (i.e., semantic or cognitive control). The results revealed that LIFG and pMTG jointly support both the controlled retrieval and selection of semantic knowledge. IPS specifically participates in semantic selection and responds to manipulations of nonsemantic control demands. These observations are consistent with a large-scale semantic control network, as predicted by lesion data, that draws on semantic-specific (LIFG and pMTG) and domain-independent executive components (IPS).

Semantic cognition, which encompasses all conceptually based behavior, is dependent on the successful interaction of two key components: conceptual representations and regulatory control. Qualitatively distinct disorders of semantic knowledge follow damage to the different parts of this system. Previous studies have shown that patients with multimodal semantic impairment following CVA—a condition referred to as semantic aphasia (SA)—perform poorly on a range of conceptual tasks due to a failure of executive control following prefrontal and/or temporo-parietal infarction [Jefferies, E., & Lambon Ralph, M. A. Semantic impairment in stroke aphasia versus semantic dementia: A case-series comparison. Brain, 129, 2132–2147, 2006]. Although a deficit of core semantic control would be expected to impair all modalities in parallel, most research exploring this condition has focused on tasks in the verbal domain. In a novel exploration of semantic control in the nonverbal domain, therefore, we assessed eight patients with SA on two experiments that examined object use knowledge under different levels of task constraint. Patients exhibited three key characteristics of semantic deregulation: (a) difficulty using conceptual knowledge flexibly to support the noncanonical uses of everyday objects; (b) poor inhibition of semantically related distractor items; and (c) improved object use with the provision of more tightly constraining task conditions following verbal and pictorial cues. Our findings are consistent with the notion that a neural network incorporating the left inferior prefrontal and temporo-parietal areas (damaged in SA) underpins regulation of semantic activation across both verbal and nonverbal modalities.

Semantic cognition—semantically driven verbal and nonverbal behavior—is composed of at least two interactive principal components: conceptual representations and executive control processes that regulate and shape activation within the semantic system. Previous studies indicate that semantic dementia follows from a progressive yet specific degradation of conceptual knowledge. In contrast, multimodal semantic impairment in aphasic patients (semantic aphasia [SA]) reflects damage to the control component of semantic cognition [Jefferies, E., & Lambon Ralph, M. A. Semantic impairment in stroke aphasia versus semantic dementia: A case-series comparison. Brain, 129 , 2132–2147, 2006]. The purpose of the present study was to examine the nature of the semantic control deficits in SA in detail for the first time. Seven patients with SA were tested on four comprehension and naming tasks that directly manipulated the requirement for executive control in different ways. In line with many theories of cognitive control, the SA patients demonstrated three core features of impaired control: (i) they exhibited poor on-line manipulation and exploration of semantic knowledge; (ii) they exhibited poor inhibition of strongly associated distractors; and (iii) they exhibited reduced ability to focus on or augment less dominant aspects of semantic information, although the knowledge itself remained and could be successfully cued by external constraints provided by the examiner. Our findings are consistent with the notion that the anterior temporal lobes are crucial for conceptual knowledge whereas the left prefrontal and temporo-parietal cortices, damaged in patients with SA, play a critical role in regulating semantic activation in a task-appropriate fashion.

On the basis of a theory about the role of semantic knowledge in the recognition and production of familiar words and objects, we predicted that patients with semantic dementia would reveal a specific pattern of impairment on six different tasks typically considered “pre-” or “non-” semantic: reading aloud, writing to dictation, inflecting verbs, lexical decision, object decision, and delayed copy drawing. The prediction was that all tasks would reveal a frequency-by-typicality interaction, with patients performing especially poorly on lower-frequency items with atypical structure (e.g., words with an atypical spelling-to-sound relationship; objects with an atypical feature for their class, such as the hump on a camel, etc). Of 84 critical observations (14 patients performing 6 tasks), this prediction was correct in 84/84 cases; and a single component in a factor analysis accounted for 87% of the variance across seven measures: each patient's degree of impairment on atypical items in the six experimental tasks and a separate composite score reflecting his or her degree of semantic impairment. Errors also consistently conformed to the predicted pattern for both expressive and receptive tasks, with responses reflecting residual knowledge about the typical surface structure of each domain. We argue that these results cannot be explained as associated but unrelated deficits but instead are a principled consequence of a primary semantic impairment.