Default mode network (DMN) functional connectivity is thought to occur primarily in low frequencies (<0.1 Hz), resulting in most studies removing high frequencies during data preprocessing. In contrast, subtractive task analyses include high frequencies, as these are thought to be task relevant. An emerging line of research explores resting fMRI data at higher-frequency bands, examining the possibility that functional connectivity is a multiband phenomenon. Furthermore, recent studies suggest DMN involvement in cognitive processing; however, without a systematic investigation of DMN connectivity during tasks, its functional contribution to cognition cannot be fully understood. We bridged these concurrent lines of research by examining the contribution of high frequencies in the relationship between DMN and dorsal attention network at rest and during task execution. Our findings revealed that the inclusion of high frequencies alters between network connectivity, resulting in reduced anticorrelation and increased positive connectivity between DMN and dorsal attention network. Critically, increased positive connectivity was observed only during tasks, suggesting an important role for high-frequency fluctuations in functional integration. Moreover, within-DMN connectivity during task execution correlated with RT only when high frequencies were included. These results show that DMN does not simply deactivate during task execution and suggest active recruitment while performing cognitively demanding paradigms.

Research on language and aging typically shows that language comprehension is preserved across the life span. Recent neuroimaging results suggest that this good performance is underpinned by age-related neural reorganization [e.g., Tyler, L. K., Shafto, M. A., Randall, B., Wright, P., Marslen-Wilson, W. D., & Stamatakis, E. A. Preserving syntactic processing across the adult life span: The modulation of the frontotemporal language system in the context of age-related atrophy. Cerebral Cortex, 20, 352–364, 2010]. The current study examines how age-related reorganization affects the balance between component linguistic processes by manipulating semantic and phonological factors during spoken word recognition in younger and older adults. Participants in an fMRI study performed an auditory lexical decision task where words varied in their phonological and semantic properties as measured by degree of phonological competition and imageability. Older adults had a preserved lexicality effect, but compared with younger people, their behavioral sensitivity to phonological competition was reduced, as was competition-related activity in left inferior frontal gyrus. This was accompanied by increases in behavioral sensitivity to imageability and imageability-related activity in left middle temporal gyrus. These results support previous findings that neural compensation underpins preserved comprehension in aging and demonstrate that neural reorganization can affect the balance between semantic and phonological processing.

Spoken word recognition involves the activation of multiple word candidates on the basis of the initial speech input—the “cohort”—and selection among these competitors. Selection may be driven primarily by bottom–up acoustic–phonetic inputs or it may be modulated by other aspects of lexical representation, such as a word's meaning [Marslen-Wilson, W. D. Functional parallelism in spoken word-recognition. Cognition, 25, 71–102, 1987]. We examined these potential interactions in an fMRI study by presenting participants with words and pseudowords for lexical decision. In a factorial design, we manipulated (a) cohort competition (high/low competitive cohorts which vary the number of competing word candidates) and (b) the word's semantic properties (high/low imageability). A previous behavioral study [Tyler, L. K., Voice, J. K., & Moss, H. E. The interaction of meaning and sound in spoken word recognition. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 7, 320–326, 2000] showed that imageability facilitated word recognition but only for words in high competition cohorts. Here we found greater activity in the left inferior frontal gyrus (BA 45, 47) and the right inferior frontal gyrus (BA 47) with increased cohort competition, an imageability effect in the left posterior middle temporal gyrus/angular gyrus (BA 39), and a significant interaction between imageability and cohort competition in the left posterior superior temporal gyrus/middle temporal gyrus (BA 21, 22). In words with high competition cohorts, high imageability words generated stronger activity than low imageability words, indicating a facilitatory role of imageability in a highly competitive cohort context. For words in low competition cohorts, there was no effect of imageability. These results support the behavioral data in showing that selection processes do not rely solely on bottom–up acoustic–phonetic cues but rather that the semantic properties of candidate words facilitate discrimination between competitors.

A common complaint of normal aging is the increase in word-finding failures such as tip-of-the-tongue states (TOTs). Behavioral research identifies TOTs as phonological retrieval failures, and recent findings [Shafto, M. A., Burke, D. M., Stamatakis, E. A., Tam, P., & Tyler, L. K. On the tip-of-the-tongue: Neural correlates of increased word-finding failures in normal aging. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 19, 2060–2070, 2007] link age-related increases in TOTs to atrophy in left insula, a region implicated in phonological production. Here, younger and older adults performed a picture naming task in the fMRI scanner. During successful naming, left insula activity was not affected by age or gray matter integrity. Age differences only emerged during TOTs, with younger but not older adults generating a “boost” of activity during TOTs compared to successful naming. Older adults also had less activity than younger adults during TOTs compared to “don't know” responses, and across all participants, less TOT activity was affiliated with lower gray matter density. For older adults, lower levels of activity during TOTs accompanied higher TOT rates, supporting the role of an age-related neural mechanism impacting older more than younger adults. Results support a neural account of word retrieval in old age wherein, despite widespread age-related atrophy, word production processes are not universally impacted by age. However, atrophy undermines older adults' ability to modulate neural responses needed to overcome retrieval failures.

Tip-of-the-tongue (TOT) experiences are frustrating word-finding failures where people are temporarily unable to produce a word they are certain they know. TOT frequency increases with normal aging during adulthood, and behavioral evidence suggests that the underlying deficit is in retrieving the complete phonology of the target word during production. The present study investigated the neural correlates of this phonological retrieval deficit. We obtained 3-D T1-weighted structural magnetic resonance images (MRI) for healthy participants between 19 and 88 years old and used voxel-based morphometry to measure gray matter density throughout the brain. In a separate session, participants named celebrities cued by pictures and descriptions, indicating when they had a TOT, and also completed Raven's Progressive Matrices (RPM), a task that does not involve phonological production. The number of TOTs increased with age and also with gray matter atrophy in the left insula, an area implicated in phonological production. The relation between TOTs and left insula atrophy cannot be attributed to the correlation of each variable with age because TOTs were related to insula atrophy even with age effects removed. Moreover, errors on the RPM increased with age, but performance did not correlate with gray matter density in the insula. These results provide, for the first time, an association between a region in the neural language system and the rise in age-related word-finding failures and suggest that age-related atrophy in neural regions important for phonological production may contribute to age-related word production failures.

The role of morphological structure in word recognition raises issues about the nature and structure of the language system. One major issue is whether morphological factors provide an independent principle for lexical organization and processing, or whether morphological effects can be reduced to the joint contribution of form and meaning. The independence of form, meaning, and morphological structure can be directly investigated using derivationally complex words, because derived words can share form but need not share meaning (e.g., archer-arch ). We used an event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging paradigm to investigate priming between pairs of words that potentially shared a stem, where this link was either semantically transparent (e.g., bravely-brave ) or opaque (e.g., archer-arch ). These morphologically related pairs were contrasted with identity priming (e.g., mist-mist ) and priming for pairs of words that shared only form (e.g., scandal-scan ) or meaning (e.g., accuse-blame ). Morphologically related words produced significantly reduced activation in left frontal regions, whether the pairs were semantically transparent or opaque. The effect was not found for any of the control conditions (identity, form, or meaning). Morphological effects were observed separately from processing form and meaning and we propose that they reflect segmentation of complex derived words, a process triggered by surface morphological structure of complex words.

The regular and irregular past tense has become a focus for recent debates about the structure of the language processing system, asking whether language functions are subserved by different neural and functional mechanisms or whether all processes can be accommodated within a single unified system. A critical claim of leading single mechanism accounts is that the relationship between an irregular stem and its past tense form is primarily semantic and not morphological in nature. This predicts an obligatory relationship between semantic performance and access to the irregular past tense, such that a semantic deficit necessarily leads to impairments on the irregulars. We tested this claim in a series of studies probing the comprehension and production of regular and irregular past tense forms in four semantic dementia patients, all of whom had profound semantic deficits. In two elicitation tasks and one auditory priming study, we found that three out of the four patients did not have a deficit for the irregular past tense, in spite of their semantic deficits. This argues against the view that the relationship between irregular past tense forms and their stems is primarily semantic, and more generally against the single system claim that morphological structure can be captured solely based on phonological and semantic relationships.