It remains a matter of controversy precisely what kind of neural mechanisms underlie functional asymmetries in speech processing. Whereas some studies support speech-specific circuits, others suggest that lateralization is dictated by relative computational demands of complex auditory signals in the spectral or time domains. To examine how the brain processes linguistically relevant spectral and temporal information, a functional magnetic resonance imaging study was conducted using Thai speech, in which spectral processing associated with lexical tones and temporal processing associated with vowel length can be differentiated. Ten Thai and 10 Chinese subjects were asked to perform discrimination judgments of pitch and timing patterns presented in the same auditory stimuli under two different conditions: speech (Thai) and nonspeech (hums). In the speech condition, tasks required judging Thai tones (T) and vowel length (VL); in the nonspeech condition, homologous pitch contours (P) and duration patterns (D). A remaining task required listening passively to nonspeech hums (L). Only the Thai group showed activation in the left inferior prefrontal cortex in speech minus nonspeech contrasts for spectral (T vs. P) and temporal (VL vs. D) cues. Thai and Chinese groups, however, exhibited similar fronto-parietal activation patterns in nonspeech hums minus passive listening contrasts for spectral (P vs. L) and temporal (D vs. L) cues. It appears that lower level specialization for acoustic cues in the spectral and temporal domains cannot be generalized to abstract higher order levels of phonological processing. Regardless of the neural mechanisms underlying low-level auditory processing, our findings clearly indicate that hemispheric specialization is sensitive to language-specific factors.

In studies of pitch processing, a fundamental question is whether shared neural mechanisms at higher cortical levels are engaged for pitch perception of linguistic and nonlinguistic auditory stimuli. Positron emission tomography (PET) was used in a crosslinguistic study to compare pitch processing in native speakers of two tone languages (that is, languages in which variations in pitch patterns are used to distinguish lexical meaning), Chinese and Thai, with those of English, a nontone language. Five subjects from each language group were scanned under three active tasks ( tone, pitch , and consonant ) that required focused-attention, speeded-response, auditory discrimination judgments, and one passive baseline as silence. Subjects were instructed to judge pitch patterns of Thai lexical tones in the tone condition; pitch patterns of nonspeech stimuli in the pitch condition; syllable-initial consonants in the consonant condition. Analysis was carried out by paired-image subtraction. When comparing the tone to the pitch task, only the Thai group showed significant activation in the left frontal operculum. Activation of the left frontal operculum in the Thai group suggests that phonological processing of suprasegmental as well as segmental units occurs in the vicinity of Broca's area. Baseline subtractions showed significant activation in the anterior insular region for the English and Chinese groups, but not Thai, providing further support for the existence of possibly two parallel, separate pathways projecting from the temporo-parietal to the frontal language area. More generally, these differential patterns of brain activation across language groups and tasks support the view that pitch patterns are processed at higher cortical levels in a top-down manner according to their linguistic function in a particular language.