Some studies have reported that understanding concrete action-related words and sentences elicits activations of motor areas in the brain. The present fMRI study goes one step further by testing whether this is also the case for comprehension of nonfactual statements. Three linguistic structures were used (factuals, counterfactuals, and negations), referring either to actions or, as a control condition, to visual events. The results showed that action sentences elicited stronger activations than visual sentences in the SMA, extending to the primary motor area, as well as in regions generally associated with the planning and understanding of actions (left superior temporal gyrus, left and right supramarginal gyri). Also, we found stronger activations for action sentences than for visual sentences in the extrastriate body area, a region involved in the visual processing of human body movements. These action-related effects occurred not only in factuals but also in negations and counterfactuals, suggesting that brain regions involved in action understanding and planning are activated by default even when the actions are described as hypothetical or as not happening. Moreover, some of these regions overlapped with those activated during the observation of action videos, indicating that the act of understanding action language and that of observing real actions share neural networks. These results support the claim that embodied representations of linguistic meaning are important even in abstract linguistic contexts.

The morphological structure of words, in terms of their stem morphemes and affixes, could influence word access and representation in lexical memory. Three experiments were carried out to explore the attributes of event-related potentials evoked by different types of priming. Morphological priming, with pairs of words related by their stem ( hijo/hija [ son/ daughter ]), produced a sustained attenuation (and even a tendency to positivity) of the N400 shown by unrelated words across the three experiments. Homographic priming (Experiment 1), using pairs of words with a superficially similar stem, but without morphological or semantic relation ( foco/foca [ floodlight/seal ]), produced an initial attenuation similar to the morphological pairs, but which rapidly tended to form a delayed N400, due to the impossibility of integration. However, orthographic priming ( rasa/rana [ flat/frog ]) in Experiment 2 does not produce attenuation of the N400 but an effect similar to that of unrelated pairs. Experiment 3 shows that synonyms advance more slowly than morphological pairs to meaning coherence, but finally produce a more positive peak around 600 msec.