Semantically ambiguous words challenge speech comprehension, particularly when listeners must select a less frequent (subordinate) meaning at disambiguation. Using combined magnetoencephalography (MEG) and EEG, we measured neural responses associated with distinct cognitive operations during semantic ambiguity resolution in spoken sentences: (i) initial activation and selection of meanings in response to an ambiguous word and (ii) sentence reinterpretation in response to subsequent disambiguation to a subordinate meaning. Ambiguous words elicited an increased neural response approximately 400–800 msec after their acoustic offset compared with unambiguous control words in left frontotemporal MEG sensors, corresponding to sources in bilateral frontotemporal brain regions. This response may reflect increased demands on processes by which multiple alternative meanings are activated and maintained until later selection. Disambiguating words heard after an ambiguous word were associated with marginally increased neural activity over bilateral temporal MEG sensors and a central cluster of EEG electrodes, which localized to similar bilateral frontal and left temporal regions. This later neural response may reflect effortful semantic integration or elicitation of prediction errors that guide reinterpretation of previously selected word meanings. Across participants, the amplitude of the ambiguity response showed a marginal positive correlation with comprehension scores, suggesting that sentence comprehension benefits from additional processing around the time of an ambiguous word. Better comprehenders may have increased availability of subordinate meanings, perhaps due to higher quality lexical representations and reflected in a positive correlation between vocabulary size and comprehension success.

Several recent studies have used transcranial alternating current stimulation (tACS) to demonstrate a causal role of neural oscillatory activity in speech processing. In particular, it has been shown that the ability to understand speech in a multi-speaker scenario or background noise depends on the timing of speech presentation relative to simultaneously applied tACS. However, it is possible that tACS did not change actual speech perception but rather auditory stream segregation. In this study, we tested whether the phase relation between tACS and the rhythm of degraded words, presented in silence, modulates word report accuracy. We found strong evidence for a tACS-induced modulation of speech perception, but only if the stimulation was applied bilaterally using ring electrodes (not for unilateral left hemisphere stimulation with square electrodes). These results were only obtained when data were analyzed using a statistical approach that was identified as optimal in a previous simulation study. The effect was driven by a phasic disruption of word report scores. Our results suggest a causal role of neural entrainment for speech perception and emphasize the importance of optimizing stimulation protocols and statistical approaches for brain stimulation research.

Speech perception and comprehension are often challenged by the need to recognize speech sounds that are degraded or ambiguous. Here, we explore the cognitive and neural mechanisms involved in resolving ambiguity in the identity of speech sounds using syllables that contain ambiguous phonetic segments (e.g., intermediate sounds between /b/ and /g/ as in “blade” and “glade”). We used an audio-morphing procedure to create a large set of natural sounding minimal pairs that contain phonetically ambiguous onset or offset consonants (differing in place, manner, or voicing). These ambiguous segments occurred in different lexical contexts (i.e., in words or pseudowords, such as blade–glade or blem – glem ) and in different phonological environments (i.e., with neighboring syllables that differed in lexical status, such as blouse– glouse ). These stimuli allowed us to explore the impact of phonetic ambiguity on the speed and accuracy of lexical decision responses (Experiment 1), semantic categorization responses (Experiment 2), and the magnitude of BOLD fMRI responses during attentive comprehension (Experiment 3). For both behavioral and neural measures, observed effects of phonetic ambiguity were influenced by lexical context leading to slower responses and increased activity in the left inferior frontal gyrus for high-ambiguity syllables that distinguish pairs of words, but not for equivalent pseudowords. These findings suggest lexical involvement in the resolution of phonetic ambiguity. Implications for speech perception and the role of inferior frontal regions are discussed.

Visual word recognition is often described as automatic, but the functional locus of top–down effects is still a matter of debate. Do task demands modulate how information is retrieved, or only how it is used? We used EEG/MEG recordings to assess whether, when, and how task contexts modify early retrieval of specific psycholinguistic information in occipitotemporal cortex, an area likely to contribute to early stages of visual word processing. Using a parametric approach, we analyzed the spatiotemporal response patterns of occipitotemporal cortex for orthographic, lexical, and semantic variables in three psycholinguistic tasks: silent reading, lexical decision, and semantic decision. Task modulation of word frequency and imageability effects occurred simultaneously in ventral occipitotemporal regions—in the vicinity of the putative visual word form area—around 160 msec, following task effects on orthographic typicality around 100 msec. Frequency and typicality also produced task-independent effects in anterior temporal lobe regions after 200 msec. The early task modulation for several specific psycholinguistic variables indicates that occipitotemporal areas integrate perceptual input with prior knowledge in a task-dependent manner. Still, later task-independent effects in anterior temporal lobes suggest that word recognition eventually leads to retrieval of semantic information irrespective of task demands. We conclude that even a highly overlearned visual task like word recognition should be described as flexible rather than automatic.

Understanding the neural systems that underpin reading acquisition is key if neuroscientific findings are to inform educational practice. We provide a unique window into these systems by teaching 19 adults to read 24 novel words written in unfamiliar letters and to name 24 novel objects while in an MRI scanner. Behavioral performance on trained items was equivalent for the two stimulus types. However, componential letter-sound associations were extracted when learning to read, as shown by correct reading of untrained words, whereas object–name associations were holistic and arbitrary. Activity in bilateral anterior fusiform gyri was greater during object name learning than learning to read, and ROI analyses indicated that left mid-fusiform activity was predictive of success in object name learning but not in learning to read. In contrast, activity in bilateral parietal cortices was predictive of success for both stimulus types but was greater during learning and recall of written word pronunciations relative to object names. We argue that mid-to-anterior fusiform gyri preferentially process whole items and contribute to learning their spoken form associations, processes that are required for skilled reading. In contrast, parietal cortices preferentially process componential visual–verbal mappings, a process that is crucial for early reading development.

Much of what we need to remember consists of sequences of stimuli, experiences, or events. Repeated presentation of a specific sequence establishes a more stable long-term memory, as shown by increased recall accuracy over successive trials of an STM task. Here we used fMRI to study the neural mechanisms that underlie sequence learning in the auditory–verbal domain. Specifically, we track the emergence of neural representations of sequences over the course of learning using multivariate pattern analysis. For this purpose, we use a serial recall task, in which participants have to recall overlapping sequences of letter names, with some of those sequences being repeated and hence learned over the course of the experiment. We show that voxels in the hippocampus come to encode the identity of specific repeated sequences although the letter names were common to all sequences in the experiment. These changes could have not been caused by changes in overall level of activity or to fMRI signal-to-noise ratios. Hence, the present results go beyond conventional univariate fMRI methods in showing a critical contribution of medial-temporal lobe memory systems to establishing long-term representations of verbal sequences.

When speech is degraded, word report is higher for semantically coherent sentences (e.g., her new skirt was made of denim ) than for anomalous sentences (e.g., her good slope was done in carrot ). Such increased intelligibility is often described as resulting from “top–down” processes, reflecting an assumption that higher-level (semantic) neural processes support lower-level (perceptual) mechanisms. We used time-resolved sparse fMRI to test for top–down neural mechanisms, measuring activity while participants heard coherent and anomalous sentences presented in speech envelope/spectrum noise at varying signal-to-noise ratios (SNR). The timing of BOLD responses to more intelligible speech provides evidence of hierarchical organization, with earlier responses in peri-auditory regions of the posterior superior temporal gyrus than in more distant temporal and frontal regions. Despite Sentence content × SNR interactions in the superior temporal gyrus, prefrontal regions respond after auditory/perceptual regions. Although we cannot rule out top–down effects, this pattern is more compatible with a purely feedforward or bottom–up account, in which the results of lower-level perceptual processing are passed to inferior frontal regions. Behavioral and neural evidence that sentence content influences perception of degraded speech does not necessarily imply “top–down” neural processes.

We investigate whether the neural correlates of the continuity illusion, as measured using fMRI, are modulated by attention. As we have shown previously, when two formants of a synthetic vowel are presented in an alternating pattern, the vowel can be identified if the gaps in each formant are filled with bursts of plausible masking noise, causing the illusory percept of a continuous vowel (“Illusion” condition). When the formant-to-noise ratio is increased so that noise no longer plausibly masks the formants, the formants are heard as interrupted (“Illusion Break” condition) and vowels are not identifiable. A region of the left middle temporal gyrus (MTG) is sensitive both to intact synthetic vowels (two formants present simultaneously) and to Illusion stimuli, compared to Illusion Break stimuli. Here, we compared these conditions in the presence and absence of attention. We examined fMRI signal for different sound types under three attentional conditions: full attention to the vowels; attention to a visual distracter; or attention to an auditory distracter. Crucially, although a robust main effect of attentional state was observed in many regions, the effect of attention did not differ systematically for the illusory vowels compared to either intact vowels or to the Illusion Break stimuli in the left STG/MTG vowel-sensitive region. This result suggests that illusory continuity of vowels is an obligatory perceptual process, and operates independently of attentional state. An additional finding was that the sensitivity of primary auditory cortex to the number of sound onsets in the stimulus was modulated by attention.

Two experiments explored the neural mechanisms underlying the learning and consolidation of novel spoken words. In Experiment 1, participants learned two sets of novel words on successive days. A subsequent recognition test revealed high levels of familiarity for both sets. However, a lexical decision task showed that only novel words learned on the previous day engaged in lexical competition with similar-sounding existing words. Additionally, only novel words learned on the previous day exhibited faster repetition latencies relative to unfamiliar controls. This overnight consolidation effect was further examined using fMRI to compare neural responses to existing and novel words learned on different days prior to scanning (Experiment 2). This revealed an elevated response for novel compared with existing words in left superior temporal gyrus (STG), inferior frontal and premotor regions, and right cerebellum. Cortical activation was of equivalent magnitude for unfamiliar novel words and items learned on the day of scanning but significantly reduced for novel words learned on the previous day. In contrast, hippocampal responses were elevated for novel words that were entirely unfamiliar, and this elevated response correlated with postscanning behavioral measures of word learning. These findings are consistent with a dual-learning system account in which there is a division of labor between medial-temporal systems that are involved in initial acquisition and neocortical systems in which representations of novel spoken words are subject to overnight consolidation.

We used functional magnetic resonance imaging to study the neural processing of vowels whose perception depends on the continuity illusion. Participants heard sequences of two-formant vowels under a number of listening conditions. In the “vowel conditions,” both formants were always present simultaneously and the stimuli were perceived as speech-like. Contrasted with a range of nonspeech sounds, these vowels elicited activity in the posterior middle temporal gyrus (MTG) and superior temporal sulcus (STS). When the two formants alternated in time, the “speech-likeness” of the sounds was reduced. It could be partially restored by filling the silent gaps in each formant with bands of noise (the “Illusion” condition) because the noise induced an illusion of continuity in each formant region, causing the two formants to be perceived as simultaneous. However, this manipulation was only effective at low formant-to-noise ratios (FNRs). When the FNR was increased, the illusion broke down (the “illusion-break” condition). Activation in vowel-sensitive regions of the MTG was greater in the illusion than in the illusion-break condition, consistent with the perception of Illusion stimuli as vowels. Activity in Heschl's gyri (HG), the approximate location of the primary auditory cortex, showed the opposite pattern, and may depend instead on the number of perceptual onsets in a sound. Our results demonstrate that speech-sensitive regions of the MTG are sensitive not to the physical characteristics of the stimulus but to the perception of the stimulus as speech, and also provide an anatomically distinct, objective physiological correlate of the continuity illusion in human listeners.

The role of morphological structure in word recognition raises issues about the nature and structure of the language system. One major issue is whether morphological factors provide an independent principle for lexical organization and processing, or whether morphological effects can be reduced to the joint contribution of form and meaning. The independence of form, meaning, and morphological structure can be directly investigated using derivationally complex words, because derived words can share form but need not share meaning (e.g., archer-arch ). We used an event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging paradigm to investigate priming between pairs of words that potentially shared a stem, where this link was either semantically transparent (e.g., bravely-brave ) or opaque (e.g., archer-arch ). These morphologically related pairs were contrasted with identity priming (e.g., mist-mist ) and priming for pairs of words that shared only form (e.g., scandal-scan ) or meaning (e.g., accuse-blame ). Morphologically related words produced significantly reduced activation in left frontal regions, whether the pairs were semantically transparent or opaque. The effect was not found for any of the control conditions (identity, form, or meaning). Morphological effects were observed separately from processing form and meaning and we propose that they reflect segmentation of complex derived words, a process triggered by surface morphological structure of complex words.

An important method for studying how the brain processes familiar stimuli is to present the same item on more than one occasion and measure how responses change with repetition. Here we use repetition priming in a sparse functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) study to probe the neuroanatomical basis of spoken word recognition and the representations of spoken words that mediate repetition priming effects. Participants made lexical decisions to words and pseudowords spoken by a male or female voice that were presented twice, with half of the repetitions in a different voice. Behavioral and neural priming was observed for both words and pseudowords and was not affected by voice changes. The fMRI data revealed an elevated response to words compared to pseudowords in both posterior and anterior temporal regions, suggesting that both contribute to word recognition. Both reduced and elevated activation for second presentations (repetition suppression and enhancement) were observed in frontal and posterior regions. Correlations between behavioral priming and neural repetition suppression were observed in frontal regions, suggesting that repetition priming effects for spoken words reflect changes within systems involved in generating behavioral responses. Based on the current results, these processes are sufficiently abstract to display priming despite changes in the physical form of the stimulus and operate equivalently for words and pseudowords.