A central question concerning word recognition is whether linguistic categories are processed in continuous or categorical ways, in particular, whether regular and irregular inflection is stored and processed by the same or by distinct systems. Here, we contribute to this issue by contrasting regular (regular stem, regular suffix) with semi-irregular (regular stem, irregular suffix) and irregular (irregular stem, irregular suffix) participle formation in a visual priming experiment on German verb inflection. We measured ERPs and RTs and manipulated the inflectional and meaning relatedness between primes and targets. Inflected verb targets (e.g., leite , “head”) were preceded either by themselves, by their participle ( geleitet , “headed”), by a semantically related verb in the same inflection as the target ( führe , “guide”) or in the participle form ( geführt , “guided”), or by an unrelated verb in the same inflection ( nenne , “name”). Results showed that behavioral and ERP priming effects were gradually affected by verb regularity. Regular participles produced a widely distributed frontal and parietal effect, irregular participles produced a small left parietal effect, and semi-irregular participles yielded an effect in-between these two in terms of amplitude and topography. The behavioral and ERP effects further showed that the priming because of participles differs from that because of semantic associates for all verb types. These findings argue for a single processing system that generates participle priming effects for regular, semi-irregular, and irregular verb inflection. Together, the findings provide evidence that the linguistic categories of verb inflection are processed continuously. We present a single-system model that can adequately account for such graded effects.

Artificial grammar learning constitutes a well-established model for the acquisition of grammatical knowledge in a natural setting. Previous neuroimaging studies demonstrated that Broca's area (left BA 44/45) is similarly activated by natural syntactic processing and artificial grammar learning. The current study was conducted to investigate the causal relationship between Broca's area and learning of an artificial grammar by means of transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS). Thirty-eight healthy subjects participated in a between-subject design, with either anodal tDCS (20 min, 1 mA) or sham stimulation, over Broca's area during the acquisition of an artificial grammar. Performance during the acquisition phase, presented as a working memory task, was comparable between groups. In the subsequent classification task, detecting syntactic violations, and specifically, those where no cues to superficial similarity were available, improved significantly after anodal tDCS, resulting in an overall better performance. A control experiment where 10 subjects received anodal tDCS over an area unrelated to artificial grammar learning further supported the specificity of these effects to Broca's area. We conclude that Broca's area is specifically involved in rule-based knowledge, and here, in an improved ability to detect syntactic violations. The results cannot be explained by better tDCS-induced working memory performance during the acquisition phase. This is the first study that demonstrates that tDCS may facilitate acquisition of grammatical knowledge, a finding of potential interest for rehabilitation of aphasia.

The plasticity of the adult memory network for integrating novel word forms (lexemes) was investigated with whole-head magnetoencephalography (MEG). We showed that spoken word forms of an (artificial) foreign language are integrated rapidly and successfully into existing lexical and conceptual memory networks. The new lexemes were learned in an untutored way, by pairing them frequently with one particular object (and thus meaning), and infrequently with 10 other objects ( learned set ). Other novel word forms were encountered just as often, but paired with many different objects ( nonlearned set ). Their impact on semantic memory was assessed with cross-modal priming, with novel word forms as primes and object pictures as targets. The MEG counterpart of the N400 (N400m) served as an indicator of a semantic (mis)match between words and pictures. Prior to learning, all novel words induced a pronounced N400m mismatch effect to the pictures. This component was strongly reduced after training for the learned novel lexemes only, and now closely resembled the brain's response to semantically related native-language words. This result cannot be explained by mere stimulus repetition or stimulus–stimulus association. Thus, learned novel words rapidly gained access to existing conceptual representations, as effectively as related native-language words. This association of novel lexemes and conceptual information happened fast and almost without effort. Neural networks mediating these integration processes were found within left temporal lobe, an area typically described as one of the main generators of the N400 response.