Distributed brain systems contribute to representation of semantic knowledge. Whether sensory and motor systems of the brain are causally involved in representing conceptual knowledge is an especially controversial question. Here, we tested 57 chronic left-hemisphere stroke patients using a semantic similarity judgment task consisting of manipulable and nonmanipulable nouns. Three complementary methods were used to assess the neuroanatomical correlates of semantic processing: voxel-based lesion–symptom mapping, resting-state functional connectivity, and gray matter fractional anisotropy. The three measures provided converging evidence that injury to the brain networks required for action observation, execution, planning, and visuomotor coordination are associated with specific deficits in manipulable noun comprehension relative to nonmanipulable items. Damage or disrupted connectivity of areas such as the middle posterior temporal gyrus, anterior inferior parietal lobe, and premotor cortex was related specifically to the impairment of manipulable noun comprehension. These results suggest that praxis brain networks contribute especially to the comprehension of manipulable object nouns.

Recent studies suggest that the left superior temporal gyrus and sulcus (LSTG/S) play a role in speech perception, although the precise function of these areas remains unclear. Here, we test the hypothesis that regions in the LSTG/S play a role in the categorization of speech phonemes, irrespective of the acoustic properties of the sounds and prior experience of the listener with them. We examined changes in functional magnetic resonance imaging brain activation related to a perceptual shift from nonphonetic to phonetic analysis of sine-wave speech analogs. Subjects performed an identification task before scanning and a discrimination task during scanning with phonetic (P) and nonphonetic (N) sine-wave sounds, both before (Pre) and after (Post) being exposed to the phonetic properties of the P sounds. Behaviorally, experience with the P sounds induced categorical identification of these sounds. In the PostP > PreP and PostP > PostN contrasts, an area in the posterior LSTG/S was activated. For both P and N sounds, the activation in this region was correlated with the degree of categorical identification in individual subjects. The results suggest that these areas in the posterior LSTG/S are sensitive neither to the acoustic properties of speech nor merely to the presence of phonetic information, but rather to the listener's awareness of category representations for auditory inputs.

The generation of regular and irregular past tense verbs has been an important issue in cognitive science and has been used to advance different models of the organization of language in the brain. The dual-system view holds that the regular past tense forms are generated by a rule while irregular forms are retrieved from memory. The single-system view, on the other hand, holds that both forms are generated by a single integrated system and differ only in their reliance on factors such as phonology and semantics. We conducted an event-related fMRI study to examine the activation patterns associated with the generation and reading of regular and irregular past tense forms, in addition to the reading of their stems. Regular and irregular past tense generation activated similar brain regions compared to the reading of their respective stems. The areas activated more for irregular generation compared to regular generation included inferior frontal, precentral, and parietal regions bilaterally. This activation can be interpreted as reflecting the greater attentional and response selection demands of irregular generation. Compared to irregular generation, regular generation activated a small region in the left superior temporal gyrus when the regular and irregular past tense forms were mismatched on phonological complexity. No areas were more activated for regulars than irregulars when the past tense forms were matched on this variable. This suggests that the activation specific to regulars was related to the higher phonological complexity of their past tense forms rather than to their generation. A contrast of the reading of regular and irregular past tense forms was consistent with this hypothesis. These results support a single-system account of past tense generation.