This article presents a rule-based serial model of reduplication that is empirically and conceptually capable of handling backcopying effects in reduplication, contrary to McCarthy and Prince's (1995) claim that serial models of phonology are incapable of adequately accounting for this phenomenon. The model of reduplication presented here claims that reduplication is the result of loops in underlying temporal precedence structures of segments in formatives and reduces over- and underapplication effects in reduplication to cases of opacity.

Issue Section:
Remarks and Replies
backcopying, opacity, Optimality Theory, overapplication, reduplication
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© 2000 Massachusetts Institute of Technology
2000
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