I argue that linear order in constructions with scrambling is constrained by Cyclic Linearization of syntactic structure at the interface, and I show that this proposal provides a unified account for a variety of asymmetries in scrambling. Arguments in this article establish novel evidence for the thesis that the architecture of grammar requires linearization in phonology to be cyclically determined by the syntax. The article also sheds light on the distribution of floating quantifiers, possessor-raising constructions, and formal properties of scrambling.

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