The article argues for the Comp account (e.g., Groos and Van Riemsdijk 1981) over the head account (e.g., Bresnan and Grimshaw 1978) of free relatives (FRs), on the basis of several converging arguments from Croatian. Evidence from reconstruction effects shows that the wh-phrase introducing a free relative (WHFR) originates inside the relative clause and wh-moves to its surface position. In addition, arguments from clitic placement show that the derived position of the WHFR is no higher than Spec,CP of the FR.

free relatives, relative clauses, Croatian, clitics
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© 2008 Massachusetts Institute of Technology
2008
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