David Lebeaux (cited in Larson 1990:603) observes that English double object constructions (DOCs) show “scope freezing” between the two objects. Quantified indirect and direct object arguments must be interpreted in their surface order (1a). Schneider-Zioga (1988) makes a similar observation about quantified arguments in the with-variant of spray-load constructions (1b); they also exhibit scope freezing.

As noted in Larson 1990, scope freezing does not involve absolute low scope for the outer quantifier; instead, it involves fixation of the relative scopes of the quantifier-quantifier pair. This is clear in DOCs showing antecedent-contained deletion (ACD) in the outer quantified object.

On standard views of ACD (Sag 1976, May 1985, Larson and May 1990), reconstruction of the elliptical VP requires the quantified nominal containing it to receive scope at least as wide as the VP serving as its reconstruction source. For (...

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