In their article “Anaphor Binding: What French Inanimate Anaphors Show,” Charnavel and Sportiche (C&S) (2016) examine the distribution of two French anaphoric expressions: (a) the nonpossessive anaphor lui-même (feminine: elle-même; lit. ‘him/her/it-self’), and (b) the possessive anaphor son propre (lit. ‘his/her/its own’) when it induces focus alternatives on the possessor (henceforth, possessor son propre).1 On the one hand, C&S observe that, when these anaphors take an animate antecedent, their distribution is unaffected by the distance separating them from their antecedent: both anaphors can be linked to a local animate antecedent or to a more distant animate antecedent occurring in a different clause.2 On the other hand, C&S argue that, when these anaphors take an inanimate antecedent, they behave like “true anaphors” subject to locality restrictions that preclude any long-distance use. According to C&S, this generalization is supported by the existence of contrasts like those in (...
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Winter 2020
January 01 2020
What Do French Inanimate Anaphors Really Show? Unavailable
In Special Collection:
CogNet
Paul Marty
ZAS, Berlin
Received:
December 16 2019
Accepted:
December 16 2019
Online ISSN: 1530-9150
Print ISSN: 0024-3892
© 2019 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology
2019
MIT Press
Linguistic Inquiry (2020) 51 (1): 184–198.
Article history
Received:
December 16 2019
Accepted:
December 16 2019
Citation
Paul Marty; What Do French Inanimate Anaphors Really Show?. Linguistic Inquiry 2020; 51 (1): 184–198. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00335
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