Abstract

Quantifier Raising is often considered to be a relatively local operation, though it has been argued that nonlocal applications are licensed by generating new scope interpretations (Fox 2000, Reinhart 2006) or resolving antecedent-contained deletions (Fox 2002, Wilder 2003, Cecchetto 2004). In this article, an account of the restricted distribution of sloppy pronouns in antecedent-contained deletions leads to the conclusion that exceptional applications of Quantifier Raising are in fact not licensed purely by virtue of QR’s escaping the antecedent for ellipsis.

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