P(reposition)-stranding is typologically rare. Nevertheless, many languages exhibit phenomena that look like P-stranding (Campos 1991, Poplack, Zentz, and Dion 2012) or involve P-stranding under common theorizing (see Philippova 2014 and references therein). These studies argue that these are not instances of P-complement movement and provide alternative analyses. This squib addresses Russian prepositions that can be postposed to and apparently stranded by their dependents. They are proposed to be PPs rather than P-heads, with dative dependents adjoined similarly to external possessors. The analysis captures all idiosyncrasies of their nominal dependents and alleviates the need to posit exceptional P-stranding in Russian.
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April 28 2022
Ambivalent Adpositions and “P-Stranding” in Russian
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Online Issn: 1530-9150
Print Issn: 0024-3892
© 2020 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Linguistic Inquiry (2022) 53 (2): 399–411.
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Tatiana Philippova; Ambivalent Adpositions and “P-Stranding” in Russian. Linguistic Inquiry 2022; 53 (2): 399–411. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00403
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