Abstract: Two classes of saltation alternations (phonological derived-environment effects) are formally distinct under Harmonic Grammar (HG), but formally equivalent under Optimality Theory (OT, with or without local constraint conjunction). The familiar feature-scale saltation pattern cannot be modeled in HG without additional formal devices (White 2013), but deletion saltation arises as a simple gang effect under classic Correspondence Theory faithfulness constraints. If future work finds corresponding empirical differences between the two saltation types (e.g., in learnability), this would support weighted-constraint models such as HG over ranked-constraint models such as OT, and in addition would be evidence against MAX and DEP constraints on privative features and against the *MAP approach to faithfulness.
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October 03 2022
Some Formal Implications of Deletion Saltation
In Special Collection: CogNet
Jennifer L. Smith
Online Issn: 1530-9150
Print Issn: 0024-3892
© 2021 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Linguistic Inquiry (2022) 53 (4): 852–864.
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Jennifer L. Smith; Some Formal Implications of Deletion Saltation. Linguistic Inquiry 2022; 53 (4): 852–864. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00426
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