Across many languages, multiple sluicing obeys a clausemate constraint. This can be understood on the empirically well-supported assumption that covert phrasal wh-movement is clause-bounded and subject to Superiority. We provide independent evidence for syntactic structure at the ellipsis site and for locality constraints on movement operations within the ellipsis site. The fact that the distribution of multiple sluicing is substantially narrower than that of multiple wh-questions, on their single-pair as well as their pair-list reading, entails that there must be mechanisms for scoping in-situ wh-phrases that do not rely on covert phrasal wh-movement. We adopt the choice-functional account for single-pair readings. For pair-list readings, we develop a novel functional analysis, argue for the functional basis of pair-list readings, and present a new perspective on pair-list readings of questions with quantifiers.
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June 23 2023
On the Syntax of Multiple Sluicing and What It Tells Us about Wh-Scope Taking
In Special Collection: CogNet
Online ISSN: 1530-9150
Print ISSN: 0024-3892
© 2021 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Linguistic Inquiry (2023) 54 (3): 429–477.
Klaus Abels, Veneeta Dayal; On the Syntax of Multiple Sluicing and What It Tells Us about Wh-Scope Taking. Linguistic Inquiry 2023; 54 (3): 429–477. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00448
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