Whether differentially marked objects require raising is not a simple question for languages like Romanian. Kalin and Weisser (2019) use asymmetric coordination involving marked and unmarked objects to support the hypothesis that both classes (can) share the same position. Here I point out numerous complications in the data; crucially, it cannot be confirmed that asymmetric coordination applies at the DP level in Romanian. This raises doubts about the reliability of asymmetric coordination as a test for DOM (differential object marking) position in the language.

(oblique) differential object marking, asymmetric coordination, Romanian, ellipsis, exempt categories, clitic doubling, clitic resumption
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2023
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