Thoms et al. (2023) propose a system of negation involving two basegenerated NegPs, one below T and the other above T, claiming that negative inflections do not syntactically attach to T, but merge with T morphophonologically. Their analysis is driven by the distribution of the contracted negative inflection -nae in Scots negative imperatives and assumptions about adverbial positioning. Clitic vs. affix is claimed insufficient to characterize -nae vs. -n’t. However, further considerations of adverb positioning and other phenomena demonstrate that the two-NegP analysis is unnecessary and that the clitic/affix distinction can characterize -nae and -n’t, respectively.

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