One standard assumption of the Minimalist Program is that formal, (grammatical) features are the only features that trigger the “dislocation” property of CHL. On the basis of two syntactically related properties of Fóngbé nonfinite clauses-object shift and verb doubling-I argue that pure phonological features can be overtly attracted. Three consequences follow: (a) the operation Attract F cannot be reduced to, Agree, (b) the concept of strength is inescapable, and (c) some of the effects of strength are PF-driven properties, hence not true imperfections.

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