In this article I argue against Boš;ković and Takahashi's (1998) analysis of scrambling as base generation (with lowering for Ā -cases). I present evidence from Russian of scope and antire construction effects and scrambling/wh-movement parallels, all implicating a “classical” overt movement account of Ā-scrambling. I then discuss theoretical issues unresolved by the base generation/lowering account. Having shown that Ā -scrambling is (upward) movement, I argue that the account of A-scrambled arguments as base-generated also loses its force. In conclusion I suggest an alternative way to eliminate the apparent optionality associated with scrambling, while maintaining the classical analysis of scrambling as upward movement.

Issue Section:
Remarks and Replies
scrambling, reconstruction, optionality, Ā -movement, constraints on movement, word order, Russian syntax
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© 2001 Massachusetts Institute of Technology
2001
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