This article presents an apparent locality condition violation observed in Standard Breton masculine human plurals ending in -où. It proposes a unique impoverishment rule deleting a syntacticosemantic feature conditioned by a specified phonological exponent. Adopting a specific architectural view of lenition, it forces a rethinking of the precise timing of various postsyntactic processes, including certain types of impoverishment rules as well as Agree-Copy in dissociated Agr nodes. It also lends support to the independent claims that syntacticosemantic features are not overridden during Spell-Out and that Vocabulary Insertion applies to a linearized structure, not a hierarchical one.
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April 19 2021
Breton Masculine Human Plurals, Locality, and Impoverishment
Online Issn: 1530-9150
Print Issn: 0024-3892
© 2020 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Linguistic Inquiry 1–27.
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Jean-François Mondon; Breton Masculine Human Plurals, Locality, and Impoverishment. Linguistic Inquiry 2021; doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00408
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