From an analysis of Fula, this article provides straightforward evidence that the hearer feature is binary. The analysis counts on Local Dislocation to handle mixed placement of subject agreement markers. A novel aspect of the analysis is that a natural class made possible by impoverishment defines the environment in which Local Dislocation applies. Impoverishment has mainly been used to capture syncretism in the past, but the present study shows that it has further potential, especially in the area of mixed placement of agreement markers. The impoverishment operation used is motivated by cooccurrence restrictions that arise in the interaction of person features with number features, falling squarely within the research agenda that tries to ground impoverishment in the logical properties of the feature system.

Corver (2009) accounts for the postadjectival placement of the measure phrase in Romance by preposing the adjectival phrase over the measure phrase. I show that this movement serves to avoid violating locality when the T head tries to enter into a multiple agreement relation with the adjective as well as with the subject. I also suggest that the feature content of the potentially intervening measure phrase influences the range of parametric options.

I show that negative concord involves checking of the neg-features prompted by the uninterpretable focus feature of concord items, recasting Haegeman and Zanuttini's (1991, 1996) original account in the general theory of feature checking. A key theoretical mechanism is feature copying, which derives the core part of Neg-Factorization and is also shown to provide the foundation for the notion of chains defined in terms of occurrences. The proposed analysis of negative concord supports Merchant's (2001) theory of ellipsis, according to which ellipsis is PF deletion and requires semantic identity. I also discuss in detail how morphology interacts with properties of negative concord, taking into account wide-ranging crosslinguistic patterns.