Wei and Walker (2020) and Zymet (2018) claim that derivational lookahead effects are attested in the interactions between reduplication and other phonological processes in Mbe and Logoori, respectively. On the basis of this evidence, they argue that reduplication in these languages cannot be modeled by Serial Template Satisfaction ( McCarthy, Kimper, and Mullin 2012 ), a theory of reduplication set in Harmonic Serialism. This article refutes these claims and provides serial analyses for both languages. It further identifies a novel prediction of Base-Reduplicant Correspondence Theory ( McCarthy and Prince 1994 , 1995 , 1999 ), a parallel theory of reduplication, that reduplicants may surface with marked structures unattested elsewhere in the language, and it demonstrates that these patterns are not replicated in serial.

This squib examines the problem of tied candidates in Harmonic Serialism and presents directional constraint evaluation as a solution. Under standard evaluation, constraints report how many loci of violation a candidate contains and, as a result, cannot differentiate two candidates with equal numbers of violations. Under directional evaluation, constraints report where loci of violation occur and are thus able to distinguish candidates with distinct loci of violation. Alternative tie-breaking mechanisms either fail to solve ties in general or introduce unwanted typological predictions.