Among the proposals for multiple sluicing in Mandarin Chinese is what we call the multiclausal analysis, which posits that it involves conjoined single wh -questions. In this squib, we examine the analysis through the possibility of a pair-list interpretation for multiply sluiced clauses. We conclude that the multiclausal analysis alone is not sufficient to fully explicate the relevant phenomenon.

This article provides a new argument for the analysis of null arguments in terms of ellipsis by considering null objects that behave like quantifiers. It is shown that the presence of quantificational null objects and their scopal property are difficult to accommodate under the traditional view of null arguments as pronouns but are best accounted for by the ellipsis analysis. Among the consequences of the present study are the need to postulate phonetically invisible/inaudible scrambling and its obedience to the economy requirement.

Whether quantifier scope is regulated by movement or not has been debated for more than two decades, and this issue has become especially important in the minimalist framework. This article provides a novel argument for the existence of a scope-marking movement operation on the basis of what can be called the split-QP construction in Japanese. It is shown that the construction involves overt movement of quantificational determiners, whereby their scope is visibly marked, and that the movement operation is subject to economy so that it may apply only if it yields scope shift.

Under the standard analysis (e.g., Fukui 1993, Saito 1985, 1992), scrambling in Japanese raises a serious problem for the last resort view of Move α, since it is considered to involve optional overt movement that has no driving force. In this article we propose a new analysis of scrambling that puts scrambling in conformity with the Last Resort principle. We argue that scrambled elements are base-generated in their surface non-θ-positions and undergo obligatory LF movement to the position where they receive θ-roles, which we consider to be formal features capable of driving movement. We show that our LF analysis of scrambling is both conceptually and empirically superior to the standard optional overt movement analysis.