Bresnan ( 1971 , 1972 ) establishes an interaction between stress assignment and syntactic movement. We are interested in a restriction on this interaction. We argue that this restriction shows that the constraint S TRESS -XP needs to be part of the syntax-prosody mapping and that it needs to be a restriction on a correspondence relation between syntactic XPs and phonological phrases. (A second constraint on the correspondence relation is either W RAP -XP or M ATCH -XP.) In the course of our argument, we analyze Bresnan’s interaction between stress assignment and movement within an account in which Internal Merge induces reconstruction effects at both LF and PF.

Two familiar ideas in the theory of binding are explored: that semantic binding is preferred over coreference (Reinhart 1983) and that (pronoun) binding seeks the closest antecedent (Fox 2000). It is shown that both proposals, when combined, yield an alternative and arguably simpler approach to the co-binding facts discussed by Heim (1993), but that neither alone does (contrary to what is suggested in Fox 2000). Then a unification of both ideas is proposed. Interestingly, the resulting system no longer entails one of Heim's (1993) conclusions, namely, that (co)reference must be marked by syntactic (co)indexing.