The article discusses agreeing ablatives in Aqusha Dargwa (Nakh-Daghestanian), arguing that the morphological agreement in gender-number that these constituents display with the clausemate absolutive argument is not an instance of Agree, but should rather be analyzed as the result of Concord. The argument relies on a difference between Agree and Concord with regard to c-command. The article explores the behavior of the ablative complement to the vP-adjoined adverb ‘secretly’ and demonstrates that gender-number agreement on the complement is best predicted by Concord.

The article discusses person agreement in embedded reports in Aqusha Dargwa (Nakh-Daghestanian). In contrast to root clauses, which have obligatory person agreement matching the features of the controller, finite embedded reports allow pronoun-agreement mismatches, such as third person agreement in the presence of a first person singular subject or first person singular agreement in the presence of a third person subject. I argue that person agreement in Aqusha can function in two different modes—plain ϕ-feature mode and logophoric mode—depending on whether person morphology responds to usual morphological person features or to discourse-related logophoric features. Concentrating on the logophoric mode, I propose that the left periphery of finite embedded reports contains a logophoric complementizer that carries the discourse feature [ LOG ] and a null pronominal in its specifier specified as [ ATTITUDE HOLDER ].

Much work in Distributed Morphology ( Embick 2010 , 2015 , Bobaljik 2012 , Harley, Tubino, and Haugen 2017 , Bobaljik and Harley to appear ) holds that morphosyntactically conditioned contextual allomorphy, including suppletion, can only work in a very local fashion: two morphemes must be linearly or structurally adjacent for one to determine the morphological exponence of the other. Recently, however, the existence of nonlocal patterns has come into focus, with growing evidence that nonlocal allomorphy is an attested empirical option. 1 In this squib, I discuss the allomorphy of verb stems in the Nakh-Daghestanian language Aqusha Dargwa and argue that the choice between allomorphs in morphological causatives in that language is determined nonlocally by tense-aspect-mood (TAM), proposing that Vocabulary Insertion (VI) can be exempt from locality requirements under certain conditions.

The article discusses the OC-NC generalization ( Landau 2004 , 2015 ) that establishes a relationship between the obligatory control nature of a construction and its semantic (tensedness/attitude) and formal (morphological agreement) properties. I discuss three counterexamples attested in languages of the Caucasus and demonstrate that complements of desiderative verbs in these languages violate predictions of the generalization: agreeing tensed complements instantiate obligatory control, or uninflected tensed complements are noncontrolled. I also give references to other potential counterexamples and discuss issues raised by the empirical evidence, ultimately arguing that no such typological universal holds.