: This squib makes the observation that inverse linking readings are dependent on extraposition of the embedded quantifier to a higher position within the nominal. Evidence comes from cases where there is an additional modifier in the nominal, which indicates whether or not extraposition has taken place; when the PP containing the second quantifier is not extraposed, it does not take wide scope of the embedding quantifier.

A number of works have attempted to account for the interaction between movement and ellipsis in terms of an economy condition Max- Elide. We show that the elimination of MaxElide leads to an empirically superior account of these interactions. We show that a number of the core effects attributed to MaxElide can be accounted for with a parallelism condition on ellipsis. The remaining cases are then treated with a generalized economy condition that favors shorter derivations over longer ones. The resulting analysis has no need for the ellipsisspecific economy constraint MaxElide.