Quantifier Raising is often considered to be a relatively local operation, though it has been argued that nonlocal applications are licensed by generating new scope interpretations ( Fox 2000 , Reinhart 2006 ) or resolving antecedent-contained deletions ( Fox 2002 , Wilder 2003 , Cecchetto 2004 ). In this article, an account of the restricted distribution of sloppy pronouns in antecedent-contained deletions leads to the conclusion that exceptional applications of Quantifier Raising are in fact not licensed purely by virtue of QR’s escaping the antecedent for ellipsis.

This article argues against the conclusion in Postal 1994 that there are no instances of parasitic gap licensing by the rightward displacement of a DP. The evidence presented in Postal 1994 allows us to conclude only that right node raising is able to target adjunction structures when a parasitic gap derivation is otherwise blocked. Three cases are then provided to support the argument that, in principle, both parasitic gap licensing and right node raising can target adjunction structures.