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Luis López
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Journal Articles
Publisher: Journals Gateway
Linguistic Inquiry (2018) 49 (1): 85–121.
Published: 01 January 2018
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This article explores the distribution of morphological case in Spanish nominalizations and shows that there is a connection between morphological case and event structure. Most nominals govern genitive case de on their internal arguments but some allow or require a different morpheme, a , reminiscent of differential object marking. I argue that the event structure of the nominalization is the crucial factor in choice of a , inasmuch as a is limited to process nominals that do not entail a change of state. The same distinction between process and change-of-state nominals is then extended to two other empirical puzzles regarding the interpretation of genitive arguments in nominalizations. I present a formal analysis assuming a syntax of events inspired by Ramchand (2008) .
Journal Articles
Publisher: Journals Gateway
Linguistic Inquiry (2015) 46 (4): 657–701.
Published: 01 October 2015
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Taking the Distributed Morphology model as a starting point, this article presents and develops the hypothesis that parallel computations drive some word formation processes. Along the way, some Distributed Morphology assumptions, particularly those concerning contextual allomorphy, are revised. It is argued that event structure is a syntactic head independent of the presence of a vP. Nominalizations in Spanish, which often exhibit verbal thematic vowels between the root and the nominalizing affix, turn out to be an ideal testing ground for theoretical hypotheses.
Journal Articles
Publisher: Journals Gateway
Linguistic Inquiry (2009) 40 (2): 239–276.
Published: 01 April 2009
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The overarching question addressed here is how syntactic structures based on constituency (dominance, c-command) are to be mapped onto linear phonetic strings. I argue that both prosodie principles and narrow-syntactic principles play a role in the linearization of syntactic structures. I take Kayne's (1994) Linear Correspondence Axiom as a starting point: (asymmetric) c-command maps onto precedence relations. Two wide-ranging predictions of Kayne's theory are that specifiers precede their heads and that a head can only have one specifier or adjunct. Although abundant evidence supports these predictions, there is nonetheless a well-known class of apparent counterexamples: Romance languages allow both rightward and multiple dislocations. I take the LCA to be a soft constraint, overruled by a constraint of the W rap family that seeks to combine a verb and its extended projection in one intonational phrase. Apparent rightward movement is the outcome of rightward linearization forced by W rap . The possibility of multiple dislocations is compatible with the LCA within the assumptions made here.
Journal Articles
Publisher: Journals Gateway
Linguistic Inquiry (2001) 32 (4): 694–716.
Published: 01 October 2001
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Chomsky (1995) proposes that the θ system and the checking system form two complementary modules. As a consequence both subjects and objects must form nontrivial chains to check their formal features with a functional category (T and v, respectively). I argue that objects and exceptional-Case-marking subjects check their formal features with a lexical verb, whose domain is therefore both θ role assigning and feature checking. I showthat discarding the complementarity assumption in this manner results in a more “bare” theory of the computational system as well as several empirical advantages.
Journal Articles
Publisher: Journals Gateway
Linguistic Inquiry (2001) 32 (3): 521–532.
Published: 01 July 2001