We provide an account of clause-boundedness in multiple sluicing that also captures its exceptions. Clause-boundedness arises whenever an embedded clause’s subject is not coreferential with a topical discourse referent in the embedding clause. Our account ties clause-boundedness to discourse factors. We discuss implementations that import sensitivity to information structure into the syntax, and compare our approach with recent work—in particular, Grano and Lasnik 2018 and “short source” accounts (most recently, Abels and Dayal 2017 , 2021 )—and demonstrate that these accounts both under- and overgenerate. The empirical coverage of our account argues against purely syntacticized agreement-based approaches to clause-boundedness.

We propose an account of adjunct extraposition that does not invoke rightward movement. Instead, the noncanonical placement of adjuncts at the right edge of a sentence arises from the very same mechanisms that allow adjuncts to behave flexibly with respect to basic constituency tests and to avoid reconstruction. The system we propose naturally explains the locality restrictions on extraposition and certain interactions between extraposition and movement, and dovetails with an analysis of how adjuncts semantically compose with their hosts.