Whether NEG-raising should be handled in syntax or semantics/pragmatics has been hotly debated in the literature; one crucial difference between the two analyses is the presence/absence of syntactic NEG extraction out of an embedded clause. This squib tackles on the debate, investigating interactions between NEG-raising and clausal so anaphora. Specifically, the novel data introduced in this squib shows that syntactic NEG extraction does not take place out of an embedded clause, thus being only compatible with the semantic/pragmatic analysis of NEG-raising.
In this article, I argue for an ellipsis analysis of Japanese null arguments on the basis of a novel observation that covert extraction (i.e., extraction that does not affect word order) is possible out of them. Specifically, assuming that the extraction possibility is a diagnostic for surface anaphora/ellipsis, I claim that the covert extraction possibility indicates that Japanese null arguments can be elliptic: they cannot be uniformly silent deep anaphora/proforms. Furthermore, I show that there is an overt/covert extraction asymmetry in that only covert extraction is allowed out of Japanese null arguments. I argue that the LF copy analysis of argument ellipsis provides a solution for the overt/covert extraction asymmetry. The discussion also has consequences for the proper analysis of several phenomena of Japanese syntax, including wh -in-situ.