Sentence structure, or syntax, is potentially a uniquely creative aspect of the human mind. Neuropsychological experiments in the 1970s suggested parallel syntactic production and comprehension deficits in agrammatic Broca’s aphasia, thought to result from damage to syntactic mechanisms in Broca’s area in the left frontal lobe. This hypothesis was sometimes termed overarching agrammatism , converging with developments in linguistic theory concerning central syntactic mechanisms supporting language production and comprehension. However, the evidence supporting an association among receptive syntactic deficits, expressive agrammatism, and damage to frontal cortex is equivocal. In addition, the relationship among a distinct grammatical production deficit in aphasia, paragrammatism, and receptive syntax has not been assessed. We used lesion-symptom mapping in three partially overlapping groups of left-hemisphere stroke patients to investigate these issues: grammatical production deficits in a primary group of 53 subjects and syntactic comprehension in larger sample sizes ( N = 130, 218) that overlapped with the primary group. Paragrammatic production deficits were significantly associated with multiple analyses of syntactic comprehension, particularly when incorporating lesion volume as a covariate, but agrammatic production deficits were not. The lesion correlates of impaired performance of syntactic comprehension were significantly associated with damage to temporal lobe regions, which were also implicated in paragrammatism, but not with the inferior and middle frontal regions implicated in expressive agrammatism. Our results provide strong evidence against the overarching agrammatism hypothesis. By contrast, our results suggest the possibility of an alternative grammatical parallelism hypothesis rooted in paragrammatism and a central syntactic system in the posterior temporal lobe.

Speech production involves the careful orchestration of sophisticated systems, yet overt speech errors rarely occur under naturalistic conditions. The present functional magnetic resonance imaging study sought neural evidence for internal error detection and correction by leveraging a tongue twister paradigm that induces the potential for speech errors while excluding any overt errors from analysis. Previous work using the same paradigm in the context of silently articulated and imagined speech production tasks has demonstrated forward predictive signals in auditory cortex during speech and presented suggestive evidence of internal error correction in left posterior middle temporal gyrus (pMTG) on the basis that this area tended toward showing a stronger response when potential speech errors are biased toward nonwords compared to words ( Okada et al., 2018 ). The present study built on this prior work by attempting to replicate the forward prediction and lexicality effects in nearly twice as many participants but introduced novel stimuli designed to further tax internal error correction and detection mechanisms by biasing speech errors toward taboo words. The forward prediction effect was replicated. While no evidence was found for a significant difference in brain response as a function of lexical status of the potential speech error, biasing potential errors toward taboo words elicited significantly greater response in left pMTG than biasing errors toward (neutral) words. Other brain areas showed preferential response for taboo words as well but responded below baseline and were less likely to reflect language processing as indicated by a decoding analysis, implicating left pMTG in internal error correction.

Speech perception ability and structural neuroimaging were investigated in two cases of bilateral opercular syndrome. Due to bilateral ablation of the motor control center for the lower face and surrounds, these rare cases provide an opportunity to evaluate the necessity of cortical motor representations for speech perception, a cornerstone of some neurocomputational theories of language processing. Speech perception, including audiovisual integration (i.e., the McGurk effect), was mostly unaffected in these cases, although verbal short-term memory impairment hindered performance on several tasks that are traditionally used to evaluate speech perception. The results suggest that the role of the cortical motor system in speech perception is context-dependent and supplementary, not inherent or necessary.

The fundamental distinction of grammatical deficits in aphasia, agrammatism and paragrammatism, was made over a century ago. However, the extent to which the agrammatism/paragrammatism distinction exists independently of differences in speech fluency has not clearly been investigated. Despite much research on agrammatism, the lesion correlates of paragrammatism are essentially unknown. Lesion-symptom mapping was used to investigate the degree to which the lesion correlates of agrammatism and paragrammatism overlap or dissociate. Four expert raters assessed videos of 53 right-handed patients with aphasia following chronic left-hemisphere stroke retelling the Cinderella story. Consensus discussion determined each subject’s classification with respect to grammatical deficits as Agrammatic, Paragrammatic, Both, or No Grammatical Deficit. Each subject’s lesion was manually drawn on a high-resolution MRI and warped to standard space for group analyses. Lesion-symptom mapping analyses were performed in NiiStat including lesion volume as a covariate. Secondary analyses included speech rate (words per minute) as an additional covariate. Region of interest analyses identified a double dissociation between these syndromes: damage to Broca’s area was significantly associated with agrammatism, p = 0.001 (but not paragrammatism, p = 0.930), while damage to the left posterior superior and middle temporal gyri was significantly associated with paragrammatism, p < 0.001 (but not agrammatism, p = 0.873). The same results obtained when regressing out the effect of speech rate, and nonoverlapping lesion distributions between the syndromes were confirmed by uncorrected whole brain analyses. Our results support a fundamental distinction between agrammatism and paragrammatism.